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“Nobody Thinks They’re the Bully”

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  • Nationwide expansion: Since Columbine, all 50 states have adopted anti-bullying laws, prompting schools to create reporting systems, investigations, training, curricula, and specialized personnel.
  • Uncertain results: Research has found modest benefits, no benefits, or harmful effects from anti-bullying programs, while national bullying trends have not meaningfully declined.
  • Central critique: Psychologist Izzy Kalman describes “anti-bullyism” as an ideology that assigns blame exclusively to an alleged bully and encourages children to rely on authorities rather than develop personal resilience.
  • Ambiguous definitions: The traditional criteria of power imbalance, intent, and repetition can be subjective, allowing ordinary conflicts, insults, eye-rolling, and social exclusion to be treated as bullying.
  • Law-enforcement model: Schools are often expected to investigate, judge, and punish, but intervention can intensify conflicts by encouraging both students and their parents to compete for the school’s support.
  • Alternative approach: Kalman emphasizes personal responsibility, responding to meanness with kindness, and teaching students how to manage verbal aggression rather than treating every insult as a crime.
  • Limits of intervention: Criminal or potentially criminal conduct—such as weapons, assault, theft, or vandalism—should be reported, while noncriminal peer disputes should generally be handled as life problems rather than prosecuted through anti-bullying systems.



a red sign that says no to bullying
Courtesy Road Ahead/Unsplash

In the years after the 1999 Columbine massacre, anti-bullying policy swept the country. By 2015, all 50 states had adopted anti-bullying laws. Schools added reporting systems, investigations, staff training, prevention curricula, and specialized personnel. An industry of programs, consultants, researchers, and lawyers has flourished alongside those mandates.

The movement’s most ambitious promise—that bullying can be eradicated—remains unproved. Some studies find modest benefits from anti-bullying programs. Others find no benefit or harmful effects. Federal data and reports concede that trends in bullying rates are unclear, but that they have not declined meaningfully in the last 25 years. In the 2021–22 school year, 100 percent of students reported experiencing, witnessing, or being aware of bullying.

Israel “Izzy” Kalman, a longtime school psychologist and psychotherapist, argues that “anti-bullyism” is an ideology that teaches children to assign responsibility for their distress to other people and report their grievances to authorities. It then forces schools to act as investigators, judges, and enforcers of ordinary peer conflict as if they are criminal offenses.

Kalman is the head of the Kalman Bullying Institute, creator of Bullies2Buddies.com, and lead author of the Be Strong Resilience Program. He has spent a quarter century arguing that the anti-bullying movement has intensified hostilities rather than reduced them, and he has made that case extensively at Psychology Today through his blog, Resilience to Bullying.

I spoke with Izzy about what counts as bullying, what anti-bullying laws require schools to do, why reporting can intensify conflict, and what he would teach instead. The transcript below has been edited for clarity and length. The full video conversation contains much more for readers interested in the subject.

Carolyn D. Gorman: You spent decades as a school psychologist. What made you skeptical of the anti-bullying approach before it was fashionable to be skeptical?

Izzy Kalman: I had been successfully teaching kids and schools how to deal with bullying using basic psychological and therapeutic principles, when this bullying psychology comes out claiming they had the solution. It’s the opposite of everything I learned in psychology and psychotherapy, in philosophy and religion. It’s the opposite of what I discovered actually works. They were prescribing things that make the problem worse. Do the same things at home with your own children and you get endless sibling rivalry.

CG: You coined the term “anti-bullyism” to describe the ideology behind the modern anti-bullying movement. Why did you need a new word?

IK: The term “anti-bullying movement” doesn’t really tell you what it does. In reality, it’s an ideology, with a set of definitions and assumptions treated as fundamental truths. And no matter what evidence emerges to counter them, these truths are never rejected. So, since it is a complete belief system, it deserves to be called an “-ism.”

One of the basics of good psychotherapy is developing an internal locus of control—the belief that what happens to me in life is in my control. Anti-bullyism promotes the opposite: “The problem has nothing to do with you; it is totally the fault of the bully. You can’t solve the problem by yourself. The bully is too powerful. Everybody has to help you.”

CG: Many children are both bully and victim, and it isn’t always easy to tell who is what. What does that dichotomy create?

IK: According to the bullying philosophy, there is a victim and there’s a bully. The victim has nothing to do with the problem and only the bully is guilty. In real life, the alleged bully almost always insists that he’s the victim. “What are you talking about? I didn’t do that. He’s lying,” or, “He started with me.” Nobody thinks they’re a bully. Hitler didn’t think he was a bully. Very few parents say, “Oh yes, my child is a bully.”

I have this saying, which I actually love: The reason the anti-bullying movement is so phenomenally popular is the same reason that it’s failing so dismally–everybody thinks the bully is the other person. People love the teaching because it tells us the problem is not our fault, it’s their fault. Everybody loves to hear that.

CG: Dan Olweus, who created the field of bullying psychology, defined bullying as intentional, repeated harm involving a power imbalance. What’s wrong with that definition?

IK: There are three pillars: imbalance of power, intentionality, and repetition. In practice, each one is invalid and useless.

CG: Each one of those are subjective and can be perceived by the “victim,” and it’s the victim’s perspective that matters. So, what is the practical definition of bullying that schools work with?

IK: Anything that you don’t like people doing to you. It can be eye rolling—and many state laws actually list eye rolling as a form of bullying. If you don’t like it, you shouldn’t have to experience it, and it’s the school’s job to make sure you don’t.

CG: And what does that require schools to do?

IK: I describe it as a law-enforcement model. There’s a perpetrator—a criminal—and there’s a victim. The victim is innocent, the perpetrator is guilty, and the job of the system is to protect victims from bullies. You have to take the side of the victim, and you have to judge—who’s right, who’s wrong, who the bully is—and then punish or rehabilitate him.

The most fundamental instruction of anti-bullyism is that you have to tell the school authorities. And it makes sense—if you don’t tell them, how could the school do anything about it? The problem is that the school can only make it better if it has a reliable way of solving the problem. If it doesn’t, it will probably make it worse. And most schools don’t.

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CG: Olweus believed his program, the most common model implemented across the world, could eradicate bullying entirely. Did it?

IK: In his book he says, and I’m paraphrasing, there’s no reason we can’t get rid of bullying 100 percent. In his own research, schools that implemented his program properly for two years saw about a 50 percent reduction. It has never been replicated, especially not in the United States. Other research might find a 10 percent reduction, or a 15 percent reduction, but not 50 percent.

CG: Rates of bullying have not changed over time. A meta-analysis in School Psychology Review found not just no effects but actively harmful outcomes in 86 percent of programs. Why hasn’t the field treated that as disqualifying?

IK: Because anti-bullyism is an ideology, and what needs to be done is decided in advance. It’s been decided that schools have to actively intervene to stop bullying. So, when the research shows it’s not working, they don’t reject the program. They say, for some reason we didn’t find the right results—maybe it needs a better study. Even in that article you mention, the researchers did not conclude we should stop using these programs because they’re not working. The conclusion was that schools have to do more to stop bullying.

CG: A study in the Journal of Child and Family Studies found that students who reported bullying to school staff had higher odds of continued victimization. Why does the recommended response make things worse?

IK: Have you heard the saying that’s common in jail and also among kids, “snitches get stitches and end up in ditches?” Even if they’ve never heard it, kids discover very quickly that nobody likes them after they inform on their peers.

There’s a well-known concept in psychology called triangulation, or the drama triangle, where somebody plays a rescuer between a victim and an abuser. I’m not talking about criminal abuse—of course you have to get involved to stop people from being murdered or injured. But when you get in the middle of their fights, trying to take the side of the victim against the perpetrator, you make the two sides hate each other even more. At least one of them ends up hating you as well. And you prevent the two people from figuring out how to solve the problem with each other.

This is what happens in sibling rivalry. Parents’ intervention immediately escalates the hostility. They fight much harder over getting their parents on their side than what they originally were fighting about.

Now this is what the schools have to do: take the side of the one who looks like the victim against the one who looks like the bully. It immediately gets the two kids fighting even harder because each one—and their parents—want the school on their side.

CG: What should schools teach instead?

IK: Many bullying experts say the golden rule is the solution, but they’re doing it in a way that doesn’t work because they’re not understanding it. They think it means: don’t be a bully. The problem is nobody thinks they’re a bully. So, when we tell kids don’t be a bully, nobody thinks, “Oh, I have to stop?” They think, “that’s right, they have to stop bullying me!”

We don’t need the golden rule to teach people to be nice. It’s obvious that it’s good to be nice. The hard part is knowing what to do when people are mean to us. The answer of the golden rule is that you have to be nice back. That’s hard, because we’re programmed for reciprocity—to treat others the way they treat us. But if you’re mean to me and I’m mean back, we’ll be fighting all the time and become enemies. So I figure, what do I need enemies for? I know you are also programmed for reciprocity. So, even if you’re mean to me, I’m going to be nice back, and before long you’re going to start being nice to me. The golden rule puts me in control, and it creates a win-win outcome.

CG: You’ve called free speech the constitutional version of “sticks and stones.” Explain why free speech is a solution for bullying.

IK: The sticks and stones slogan is the age-old solution to becoming a victim of relentless teasing and taunting. It expresses the fundamental difference between verbal aggression and physical aggression. If you hit me with sticks and stones and I get hurt, who hurt me?

CG: I did.

IK: Yeah. If you call me an idiot and I feel hurt, what percentage does it depend on me?

CG: One hundred percent.

IK: That’s right. It’s totally up to me if I get upset by words. It’s not up to you. When kids understand the slogan, they can decide, it’s not sticks and stones, I don’t have to get upset. Then they don’t become a victim of verbal bullying.

But the modern version is, “sticks and stones may break my bones, but words can scar me forever or kill me.” They’re teaching kids that being called an idiot should hurt more than having their bones broken.

When I try to stop you from insulting me, it doesn’t make you stop. It makes you continue. But if I let you insult me, it’s no fun and you leave me alone. So, freedom of speech—letting people say what they want—is the solution to verbal bullying.

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CG: How should schools tell what to act on from what to leave alone?

IK: There are two general kinds of aggression. You won’t find this in psychology, but you will find it in law. One kind causes objective harm: if you do it to me and I get hurt, you are the one who hurt me. It’s not my choice whether I get hurt. Rape, vandalism, theft, extortion—these are treated like crimes in all cultures, and you have a right to be protected from them.

The other kind causes subjective harm: if you do it to me and I get hurt, I really hurt myself. The classic example is an insult. Is it moral to punish you for something I did to myself? In a country with freedom of speech, you’re allowed to insult me. But with anti-bullying laws, now you’re not. It’s treated like a crime.

CG: Where does your method fail? Are there children it won’t work for?

IK: There are some kids I failed with no matter how long I worked with them. If kids have serious neurological problems, intellectual deficits, or psychiatric conditions that prevent them from understanding what I teach, they won’t be able to do it. Or they understand it but have no impulse control—they’re so reactive it won’t work.

CG: And where do schools fail?

IK: Because anti-bullyism takes a law-enforcement approach, it turns schools into law-enforcement agencies and courts of law. They have to investigate. They have to interrogate. They have to judge. They have to punish. Would you go to a court where the judge is any Joe Shmoe off the street? School personnel are not qualified for that job. And judging makes people hate you. The winner is happy, the loser hates you, and the two sides still hate each other.

Today is the worst time in history to be a school administrator, because you are being held legally responsible for accomplishing the impossible. Schools are required by law to treat a problem in a way that’s been proven not to work, and then they get sued when it doesn’t.

CG: So, what should be reported?

IK: Criminal behavior, or potentially criminal behavior, has to be reported. If I know you’re bringing weapons to school, I should tell the school. That’s objective harm. People ask me, what if there’s a psychopath who smashes your face in? That’s a crime. You report it. It’s better to call things what they are.

CG: If a state legislature called you tomorrow and asked what to repeal, what would you say?

IK: Get rid of anti-bullying laws. All of the actions that deserve to be treated like crimes already are. Anti-bullying laws have only come to add things that were never considered crimes. The great majority of bullying is insults. We live in a country that has freedom of speech, and freedom of speech allows us to insult each other, but anti-bullying laws have repealed it. Social exclusion—I don’t want to be your friend. These are things that as individuals we should have the freedom to do.

CG: Is there anything the movement got right that you would keep?

IK: Yes. Insults and social exclusion and rumors are very serious problems. You can start out with the highest self-esteem, and if you’re put down by your peers every day and you’re getting upset by it, it will destroy you. So, kids deserve to be taught what to do about it—not treating these things like crimes, but as problems in life that we have to learn how to deal with.

The bullying problem can be solved. Not completely; there’ll never be no bullying. But you can make a dramatic impact, not by spending more money, but by spending less.

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bogorad
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Barcelona, Catalonia, Spain
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Google Just Made It Easier for Campaigns to Send You Fund-Raising Emails - The New York Times

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LLM (google/gemini-3.5-flash-lite) summary:

  • Google Program: google introduced a program allowing political candidates and committees to bypass gmail spam filters for fundraising appeals
  • Political Complaints: the change follows years of complaints from republicans alleging that spam algorithms unfairly blocked their emails compared to democrats
  • Launch Details: google announced the policy quietly via a help center update and began contacting political committees from both parties
  • User Impact: strategists note the policy will likely flood users with unwanted political spam during the midterm elections
  • Requirements: bulk senders must register their domains and maintain a spam rate below zero point three percent to qualify
  • Past Pilot: a similar pilot program launched four years ago was discontinued after a few months
  • Legal Actions: previous lawsuits and federal election commission complaints alleging algorithmic bias against republicans were dismissed
  • Strategic Reactions: some republicans welcomed the chance to reach voters, while some democrats expressed concern over scam pacs and inbox clutter

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Google quietly rolled out a new program on Monday that will allow candidates, political parties and political action committees to more easily bypass Gmail’s spam filter and send fund-raising appeals to the inboxes of the company’s many millions of email users.
The change comes after years of complaints from Republicans that Gmail’s spam algorithm unfairly blocked their committees’ emails more than those of their Democratic counterparts, although those complaints were dismissed in court. For campaigns and PACs that meet the terms of the program, it is expected to route an influx of cash solicitations into Gmail inboxes, helping campaigns raise millions of dollars more in the final sprint to the midterm elections.
Google chose not to debut the new program with any fanfare, instead posting an update to its Help Center on Monday. The company began to reach out to some political committees in both parties on Monday after publishing the change, according to two people briefed on the outreach who spoke on the condition of anonymity to describe private conversations.
Political strategists in both parties said the new policy could be deeply consequential for candidates — even if frustrating for users in the United States, who are likely to be bombarded with pleas for donations.
“Heading into the 2026 elections, Gmail users are going to be flooded with unwanted political spam because Google decided to create a V.I.P. lane for campaigns,” said Kenneth Pennington, a Democratic digital strategist and veteran online fund-raiser. “This is a bad deal for Gmail users and a gift to bad actors in the political fund-raising space.”
José Castañeda, a spokesman for Google, said the new program resulted from an effort to provide long-term clarity for both campaigns and users.
“This program is designed to connect people with the emails they want to receive while keeping them fully in control of their inboxes,” he said in a statement. “To participate, bulk senders must meet strict security and compliance requirements, ensuring that messages people receive are relevant, useful and verified.”
The new program is set to begin on Sept. 8, the day after Labor Day — and the day before Republicans are set to hold a rare midterm convention in Dallas.
The change comes four years after Google rolled out a similar program on a pilot basis that was discontinued months later.
At the time, the Republican National Committee sued the technology giant, accusing it of “throttling its email messages,” though Google said the party had not signed up for the program. A federal court later dismissed the case, with Judge Daniel J. Calabretta writing of the R.N.C.’s claims, “This is pure speculation, lacking facts from which the Court could infer animus or an absence of good faith.”
The Federal Election Commission also dismissed a formal complaint from Republicans that Gmail’s spam filter was biased against the party.
Whether a fund-raising email winds up in users’ spam folders or inboxes can be worth millions of dollars to campaigns over time.
It is not immediately clear whether the changes would affect one party more than the other, but some Republicans appeared optimistic.
“For years Google’s algorithm silenced Republican voices, burying our emails in spam while Democrats’ landed in the inbox,” said Will Kiley, the communications director for the National Republican Congressional Committee. “This program is a real chance to fix it and let voters hear from the candidates they choose to follow. We’ll be watching closely to make sure Google follows through.”
Some Democrats feared the change could open the door for so-called scam PACs, which spend little of their money on actual campaigns, to more easily reach inboxes. Other Democrats hoped the change might help deliver the party an advantage because Democrats generally have been better at online fund-raising than Republicans.
The R.N.C. did not immediately respond to a request for comment.
Google’s new program will require that candidates, PACs and party committees register the domain they send emails from and that their spam rates, the percentage of emails that users mark as spam, remain below 0.3 percent, according to the policy.
Mr. Pennington, the Democratic strategist, feared that Google made the change because of pressure from Republicans.
“While there could theoretically be another reason for this policy shift, it appears that Google is sacrificing the inbox sanity of its customers simply to placate a false, bad faith narrative from Republicans claiming partisan spam bias,” he said.
Amanda Elliott, a Republican digital strategist, said the mistrust on the right with the tech industry runs deep, especially around the issue of whether fund-raising emails wind up in inboxes or the spam folder.
“For everyone who’s been talking about censorship and bias, this could be a put-up or shut-up moment,” she wrote in a text message. “Are your emails landing in spam filters because you’re a Republican or because you’re just running a subpar email program and not following best practices? Perhaps we’re about to find out!”
Shane Goldmacher is a Times national political correspondent.

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bogorad
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What Karoline Leavitt Leaves Behind - Columbia Journalism Review

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LLM (google/gemini-3.5-flash-lite) summary:

  • Youngest Secretary: karoline leavitt assumed office in january twenty twenty five as the youngest white house press secretary in history at age twenty seven.
  • Combative Style: she utilized a confrontational approach during media briefings, transforming them into viral social media moments and frequently clashing with reporters.
  • Media Strategy: her tenure included altering press ecosystem access by welcoming content creators and shifting pool management away from the traditional correspondents association.
  • Resignation Announcement: trump announced her departure scheduled for the end of august, citing personal reasons related to family time as stated in her resignation announcement.
  • Advisory Role: following her departure from the official cabinet position, she will continue serving as a top outside advisor to the president and advocate for the political party.
  • Decoy Flight: other notable news included reporting on a secret military flight involving deceptive measures used for security reasons during a presidential return from nato.
  • Legal Actions: media organizations filed a lawsuit challenging a paywall scheme for early access to presidential social media posts under first amendment concerns.
  • International Cases: global reports highlighted various press freedom issues including the release of a detained journalist in miami and prison sentences for photojournalists abroad.

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On January 28, 2025, a few days after Donald Trump’s second presidential inauguration, Karoline Leavitt addressed the media for the first time as White House press secretary. At twenty-seven, Leavitt was the youngest person ever to hold the job. She had climbed the ranks of the MAGA inner circle quickly. She graduated from college in 2019; made an unsuccessful bid for Congress, with Trump’s endorsement, in 2022; and was eventually elevated to press secretary for his 2024 presidential campaign. Speaking to reporters at the White House that January, Leavitt showed that she was quick-thinking, combative, and a native speaker of Trump’s language of hyperbole and grievance. When a reporter asked about the consequences of the Trump administration’s push to slash federal spending, Leavitt said that the Biden administration had “spent money like drunken sailors” and that the Department of Government Efficiency—better known as DOGE—and the Office of Management and Budget had discovered “there was about to be fifty million taxpayer dollars that went out the door to fund condoms in Gaza,” in what she called a “preposterous waste of taxpayer money.” The Gaza condoms claim was, in fact, preposterously untrue. Some United States funding had gone to contraceptive healthcare in developing countries, but it was nowhere near the amount Leavitt claimed, and none of it had gone to Gaza. (That did not stop right-wing commentators from repeating her claim again and again.) The episode revealed how Leavitt would approach her tenure as press secretary: responding to scrutiny with irritation and displaying a Trumpian willingness to deny reality.

Last week, Trump announced that Leavitt will depart at the end of August, calling her “one of the best” presidential press secretaries in history. Over the past year and a half, she has been described as Trump’s “attack dog” and as having “all the subtlety of a Rottweiler.” Trump has said of Leavitt—in a totally not weird or creepy way—that “those lips, the way they move, they move like she’s a machine gun.” Leavitt will be Trump’s second-longest-serving press secretary, behind Sarah Huckabee Sanders, who held the job from 2017 to 2019. “The truth is since returning to the White House after the birth of my daughter, I have felt in my heart that I cannot be the best mom my two young children deserve while devoting the constant time, energy, and attention required of the White House Press Secretary,” Leavitt wrote on X. “President Trump has asked me to continue serving as a top advisor to him on the outside, and I will always remain a vocal advocate for MAGA and the Republican Party.” No replacement has yet been announced. Meanwhile, the midterms are less than three months away, and Trump’s approval rating is sliding.

What Leavitt seemed to understand better than many of her predecessors was that, inside the MAGA court, the goal of press relations is to put on a good show. She brought a Punch-and-Judy style to media briefings that is perfectly suited to the era of short-form video. “That’s a ridiculous line of questioning,” she told one journalist. “What a stupid question,” she said to another. “You’re a left-wing hack,” she replied when a reporter questioned her about the killing of Renee Good by a federal agent. “Your mom did,” she told a journalist by text, when he asked who suggested Budapest for a proposed meeting between Trump and Russia’s Vladimir Putin. The Financial Times’ Joe Miller has noted how Leavitt “transformed the famous White House briefing room into a production facility for viral social media clips.” This has all seemed to please her most vital spectator, her boss. But behind the scenes, according to several White House correspondents, Leavitt was often collegial and helpful, including to news organizations with which she enjoyed clashing publicly. Trump, too, likes to make himself available to reporters even as he threatens, sues, and demeans them. Leavitt was so successful because, as CNN’s Stephen Collinson wrote last week, she “understands the Trump id.”

For the past year and a half, Leavitt has helped define the relationship between the president and the US press. What legacy will she leave behind? One of her first moves was to welcome content creators—many of whom, such as the podcast host Tim Pool, have openly cheered on the Trump administration—into the White House media ecosystem, starting press briefings with a question from the “new media” seat. (Aida Alami wrote for CJR about the “surreal” quality Leavitt brought to the briefing room.) Would a future Democratic president be able to resist bringing supportive influencers into the press room? The White House also took control of who could participate in the media pool, which for decades had been managed independently by the White House Correspondents’ Association. I wonder if that, too, is here to stay. These changes, along with her constant criticism of the media and blasé attitude toward facts, have further degraded the relationship between the president and the press corps. “I won’t muck about with euphemisms such as misrepresented or stated without evidence or made false claims,” The Guardian’s Arwa Mahdawi wrote on Friday. “Leavitt’s legacy in government was attacking Trump’s enemies and spouting lie after lie after lie.” 

What I find most troubling about Leavitt’s tenure is how she and the wider Trump administration seemed to conceptualize the role of their press relations team. In the post explaining her resignation, Leavitt wrote: “I have relished holding the liberal media accountable and ensuring the American people hear the truth about President Trump’s successes.” That’s a funny way of looking at it. Let’s not forget that Trump 2.0 has deployed armed agents to American streets to snatch people away; spawned unprecedented corruption in shady areas of finance and cryptocurrency; started a foreign war without congressional approval; and destroyed or remade American institutions, buildings, and monuments. But the White House press secretary believes it is the media that must be held accountable? I’m not against media criticism (it’s what we do here at CJR, after all). But this is such a willful misunderstanding of what federal communications officials exist to do, which is to inform US citizens about the actions taken on their behalf and with their tax dollars. Leavitt has instead treated requests for information as partisan attacks. Her contempt for the media extends to the American public, too.

We don’t yet know what’s next for Leavitt. Perhaps she will turn up as a host on Fox News, like her predecessor Kayleigh McEnany, or run for office again, like Huckabee Sanders, who is now the governor of Arkansas. Trump didn’t add much detail when he said, on Truth Social, that “Karoline will now be one of my top outside advisors, and an influential voice within the Republican Party.” What we do know is that Leavitt is leaving relations between the executive branch and the Fourth Estate far worse than she found them. Her impact may be felt for a long time.

Other Notable Stories … 
By Jem Bartholomew

  • Last Monday, the Washington Post reported that Donald Trump had used deception to secretly board a military flight from Turkey to the United Kingdom while returning from a NATO summit, because of a “credible threat to Trump involving Iran.” That left journalists and some White House staff, on the older version of Air Force One, in the false belief that they were on the same plane as the president—who had in fact been smuggled off via a catering truck—and raised questions about whether “unwitting passengers on the ‘decoy’ plane” were in “possible danger.” Reporters at the New York Times discussed the event, and the thinking behind covering it, in this “Times Insider” piece
  • On Wednesday, The Intercept and the Freedom of the Press Foundation filed a lawsuit against Trump and his staff, challenging a scheme announced last month for Truth Social—the strange social media company I wrote about in May, of whose parent company Trump is the largest shareholder—to charge for early access to Trump’s posts. “Trump is trying to enrich himself by privatizing government information that he has no right to sell,” Ben Muessig, The Intercept’s editor in chief, said. “We won’t let it stand.” The complaint has been filed in the Southern District of New York and alleges that the scheme restricts First Amendment–protected information.
  • In the UK, the press is facing criticism after the death, on Friday, of Jason Arday, a former professorial chair at the University of Cambridge whose academic and personal achievements came under scrutiny in recent weeks ahead of the publication of his memoir, Great and Unfortunate Things. Arday, who was Cambridge’s youngest-ever Black professor, was accused of plagiarism and inconsistencies in statements about his career; on August 5, he stepped down from his job. The Good Law Project, which had been representing Arday, called for a public inquiry into his death, saying Arday faced “two weeks of relentless harassment” by the UK press despite private warnings that their “pursuit of Dr. Arday risked his suicide.” Arday had been attacked by right-wing outlets, in particular, as a DEI hire. The Good Law Project letter added: “There cannot be any doubt that racism lay at the heart of this story.”
  • Wilmer Roberto Solano Dávila, a Venezuelan journalist based in Miami who was detained by US Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) on July 26, was reportedly released on Friday, according to a post from the Association of Venezuelan Journalists Abroad (APEVEX). (I wrote for CJR about Solano’s detention this month.) “We are now putting our lives back together, piece by piece, like a puzzle,” Solano’s family wrote on his GoFundMe page, which has been closed for donations, on Saturday. “Although Wilmer is home, his immigration case continues, and we must move forward with his legal defense. But now, we can face the next steps together as a family.” 
  • Yalda Moaiery, an acclaimed Iranian photojournalist, learned last weekend that she had been sentenced to fifteen years in prison, Reuters reported. Moaiery’s work documenting dissent and the lives of women in Iran has repeatedly brought her into contact with the Iranian authorities. On February 3, according to the Committee to Protect Journalists, the intelligence wing of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps raided Moaiery’s ​home in Tehran amid a wave of anti-government protests, seizing her phone, laptop, and other electronic equipment. (At the time, CPJ condemned the raid and called on Iranian authorities to “immediately cease targeting journalists.”) According to Reuters, Moaiery has ten days to appeal under a 2025 espionage law. In other news, on Sunday, Iran’s parliament advanced a bill that would criminalize interviews or communications with media outlets deemed hostile to the ‌regime, Reuters reported, citing Iran’s Shargh newspaper. 
  • And for CJR, Kyle Paoletta reported on the Times Opinion desk, which has recently scaled up its original reporting, “leading to more overlap” with the news division “and, inevitably, more hard feelings.” Paoletta speaks to Times editors, writers, and producers—including Kathleen Kingsbury, the Opinion editor—about what makes the desk unique. “If the newsroom tells you how to understand the world,” Kingsbury tells him, “the work of the Opinion desk is to give you clarity and context around it.” But in terms of rigor and reporting standards, Matthew Rose, the editorial director of Opinion, tells him, “I would not draw any difference between the way we would think about it and the way the newsroom would think about it.”

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bogorad
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The leftist scum aka MSM really hated her.
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A far-right group chooses Barcelona for its first demonstration in Spain against "mass immigration"

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Save Europe Act calls a gathering at Plaça Sant Jaume on August 22

  • Barcelona demonstration: Save Europe Act plans its first Spanish protest in Plaça de Sant Jaume on August 22, followed by a Madrid event four days later.
  • Symbolic location: The chosen square houses the headquarters of the Generalitat and Barcelona City Council.
  • European tour: The event forms part of the “European Shield Tour,” which began in Utrecht on August 1 and has continued through several French cities.
  • Immigration platform: The movement calls for stronger borders, preservation of Europe’s national identities, and the “remigration” of certain immigrants, under the slogan “Europe united against the EU.”
  • Institutional criticism: Promotional material filmed in the square accuses the Generalitat and Barcelona City Council of contributing to the alleged deterioration of Barcelona and Catalonia.
  • Local partner: Save Europe Act presents itself as independent of political parties, while its Catalan mobilization is supported by the ideologically aligned group Reconquista España.
  • Planned messaging: Organizers intend to display a 20-by-20-meter banner and use attention surrounding the early-August Ceuta migration crisis to center the demonstration on opposition to what they call “mass immigration.”
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David Sacks on X: "Some thoughts on Dario’s post: 1. Dario does not actually address Gavin Baker’s account of what he said – something he could easily deny if it were inaccurate. 2. Dario claims his critics live in a “bubble” where all regulation equals regulatory capture. He calls this an overly" / X

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LLM (google/gemini-3.5-flash-lite) summary:

  • Disputed Account Response: the subject fails to address gavin baker's specific public account regarding past statements.
  • Regulatory Capture Reality: critics reject straw man claims of universal opposition to rules and support antitrust enforcement to prevent monopolies.
  • Corporate Influence Dynamics: commie points flagged state intervention theory ignores how industry lobbying and hiring practices shape compliance frameworks for private benefit.
  • Bureaucratic Control Proposal: proposed pre-deployment testing agencies risk creating massive backlogs that disadvantage domestic developers against foreign competition.
  • Market Advantage Concerns: heavy compliance demands disproportionately burden smaller competitors while protecting established frontier labs.
  • Centralization Risks: commie points flagged proposed oversight models strengthen state and corporate gatekeeping instead of addressing root compute centralization.
  • Fear Mongering Tactics: unsupported claims regarding massive job displacement and contrived studies heighten public anxiety without factual backing.
  • Elite Central Planning: commie points flagged technocratic centralization of power mirrors historical patterns of elite control over public outcomes.

Some thoughts on Dario’s post: 1. Dario does not actually address Gavin Baker’s account of what he said – something he could easily deny if it were inaccurate. 2. Dario claims his critics live in a “bubble” where all regulation equals regulatory capture. He calls this an overly simplified view and notes that “Many people outside this bubble think of regulation as something that constrains corporate power and benefits ordinary people.” This argument is a straw man. Of course treating all regulation as capture would be overly simplified – but almost no one holds that view. I have repeatedly argued for strong antitrust enforcement to keep industries competitive, especially Big Tech. If Anthropic continues toward monopoly or duopoly status, I would be among the first to demand those rules apply. 3. Regulatory capture is not vague or in the eye of the beholder. Nobel laureate George Stigler defined it as regulation acquired by an industry and designed and operated primarily for its benefit. Stigler challenged the traditional view that government regulation arises from a benevolent state protecting the public from market failures. Rather, industry groups have concentrated stakes and pour resources into influencing regulators, whereas the public’s stake is diffuse and unorganized. The revolving door between companies and the agencies that regulate them compounds the problem. Anthropic understands these dynamics: it has hired multiple senior Biden AI-policy officials and built a substantial government-affairs operation plus a network of aligned organizations to push its preferred frameworks at state and federal levels. 4. Dario has consistently pushed for a new federal agency to review and approve frontier models prior to release – a proposal framed variously as an “FDA for AI,” an “FAA for AI,” and most recently a “FINRA for AI.” I call it a “DMV for AI” because a review process modeled on the FAA or FDA (which takes years) or FINRA (which issues rules for a staid industry widely seen as protecting incumbents) will create long queues as AI models wait for testing and approval. This process will only become more labyrinthine as rules accumulate to prevent theoretical harms. This would handicap the U.S. relative to China, which will not adopt the same constraints. It would also undermine Anthropic’s own business model, whose pricing power depends on remaining ahead of open models. Whatever Dario states today, it is difficult to believe the company would simply accept outcomes that erase that advantage. 5. Anthropic is on track to become one of the most valuable companies in history, with the resources to navigate any approval process and shape the rules while competitors wait. Dario wants open models under heavier scrutiny – he has called them dangerous in Senate testimony, criticized them for not being centrally monitored or withdrawn, and linked them to IP theft. He says he has never sought a ban, but he could achieve a similar result by insisting that identical rules apply to both open and closed models. The U.S. risks becoming an island of costly closed models while the rest of the world races ahead with broader choice. 6. Dario acknowledges that AI is structurally centralizing but attributes this mainly to chips and scaling laws. Access to compute matters, but the deeper risk is who decides which capabilities are available to whom. His preferred pre-deployment testing and FAA/FINRA-style oversight would place that gatekeeping power in a federal bureaucracy working hand-in-glove with a small number of frontier labs – reinforcing centralization rather than countering it. 7. The second part of Dario’s post assumes we have amnesia about Anthropic’s well-orchestrated campaigns hyping AI fears. His May 2025 claim that AI would wipe out 50 percent of entry-level knowledge jobs within five years still lacks supporting evidence fifteen months later. Similarly Anthropic breathlessly promoted its heavily contrived “blackmail” study on 60 Minutes. Yet Dario blames public negativity on a long-standing loss of trust in institutions rather than his own messaging. 8. These narratives have done more than anything to shape public fear. People are left asking the same question Mark Zuckerberg posed: why race to build a future you describe in such negative terms? Thomas Sowell’s "The Vision of the Anointed" captures the mindset – elite intellectuals convinced that only they are enlightened enough to control the outcome. As Zuckerberg notes, concentrating power in the hands of an enlightened few has rarely produced the promised results; the practitioners turn out to be less enlightened in practice than in self-conception. 9. Gavin Baker summarized the disagreement cleanly on our pod: Dario believes frontier AI is too powerful to distribute; we believe it is too powerful to centralize. Dario appears to believe, sincerely, that safety and progress are best served by centralizing authority in a marriage of corporate and state power. The weight of human history gives us reason to fear that outcome.
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Dario Amodei
@DarioAmodei
·
Aug 16
1/2 Thanks Gavin for an especially thoughtful exchange. I don't usually spend much time on social media but I wanted to engage here because it really brings out the heart of an important conversation. First, on regulation, I think that “either concentrate it in the hands of a x.com/gavinsbaker/st…
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AI Has Plunged the Book Publishing Industry Into Utter Chaos - WSJ

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LLM (google/gemini-3.5-flash-lite) summary:

  • Authorship Verification: literary agents canceled a multimillion-dollar book deal after failing to verify human authorship of a debut novel.
  • Industry Reckoning: frequent artificial intelligence scandals in publishing force a reevaluation of traditional writer-publisher relationships and intellectual property standards.
  • Publisher Hesitation: major publishing houses remain reluctant to issue blanket bans on machine-created texts due to potential commercial value and widespread adoption.
  • Market Flooding: online platforms face a massive influx of low-quality, machine-generated books designed to capture reader spending.
  • Detection Challenges: reliance on artificial intelligence detection software yields mixed results and disputes over accuracy and false positives.
  • Copyright Limits: uncopyrightable status of machine-generated text provides a hard legal boundary while other creative aspects remain in a gray area.
  • Agent Burden: literary agents experience heavy workloads and increased anxiety while acting as frontline police against unauthorized tools.
  • Commie Bureaucratic Certification: introduction of voluntary attestation marks by guilds represents a weak honor-system approach to controlling technological output.

Illustration of a collage with elements of binary code, books, and abstract shapes in red and white. enigmatriz for WSJ; Pexels

Shortly after scoring a multimillion-dollar book deal for a debut author, the novelist’s agents pulled the plug. They could no longer support the project, they said, because they couldn’t verify that the book had been wholly written by their client.

“This raises so many questions about authorship and what AI means for this industry,” the agency, Europa Content, told the publishers in a July letter after allegations of AI use swirled around “Call Me, I’ll Hide the Body,” a crime novel by Jerry Falade. “But those are questions for another day.” 

Yet with a new AI scandal engulfing publishing seemingly every month, it’s become more difficult to punt questions about its impact into some distant future. The spectacular implosions of big book deals over suspected AI use—and fears about who might be next—are forcing a reckoning over the nature of authorship, the relationship between writers and publishers and the industry’s long-term survival. But nobody can seem to agree who exactly is responsible for solving this problem, or even how much a problem it actually is.

Last year, 70 authors including Margaret Atwood and Jonathan Franzen signed an open letter to publishers voicing concerns about generative AI and asking them to make “a pledge that they will never release books that were created by machines.” Yet the Big Five—Simon & Schuster, Penguin Random House, HarperCollins, Hachette Book Group and Macmillan—have largely been reluctant to make sweeping pronouncements about a technology that is both potentially lucrative and increasingly ubiquitous. (Many of them are also involved in lawsuits against tech companies for training their models on copyrighted books.)

Instead, they find themselves running to put out fires when scandals over AI use become too reputationally damaging to ignore. 

Jerry Falade taking a mirror selfie.Allegations of AI use swirled around Jerry Falade’s novel ‘Call Me, I’ll Hide the Body.’ Jerry Falade

Falade, a Southern Methodist University graduate student, has denied the accusations about his novel, calling them racially motivated. “This has just been so terrible for me,” he said in an interview on Thursday. “I haven’t been able to sleep well, I haven’t been able to eat.” 

In March, Hachette Book Group canceled the U.S. release of Mia Ballard’s book “Shy Girl,” a horror novel about a woman held captive by a man she met online and forced to live as his pet, amid allegations that the author had used AI in the writing process. Ballard, who originally self-published the novel before Hachette acquired the rights, has denied these claims, saying AI was used by an acquaintance who had edited the book. “Hachette remains committed to protecting original creative expression and storytelling,” the publisher said in a statement at the time.

Last month, the Atlantic wrote that “Daggermouth,” a self-published dystopian romance whose rights were snapped up by Simon & Schuster, and which has consistently topped bestseller lists, contained hallmarks of AI use. The piece cited a research paper from Stony Brook University professor Tuhin Chakrabarty that ran the book through the AI detection tool Pangram. The paper has not yet been peer-reviewed, and the author has denied the allegations, publicly saying she does not believe that generative AI belongs in the writing process.  

“We do not believe conclusions about an author’s work should be drawn from AI-detection tools that have been shown to produce false positives,” said a spokesperson for Simon & Schuster. “H.M. Wolfe wrote ‘Daggermouth,’ and we stand behind her and her work.” 

Pangram’s CEO, co-founder and self-proclaimed “slop janitor” Max Spero said the tool’s high rate of accuracy has been validated by multiple third-party studies. 

“Why would Simon & Schuster drop it? Because apparently it already had a huge amount of success. So people were liking it,” said Chakrabarty. “There is this bigger angle about the commercial aspect of generative AI fiction, and then do the organizations really care about holding to that standard?”

Desperate to find hits in a time when most people are reading less and less, publishers often look to pick up self-published works that have already found an audience, a category where agents and editors say AI use is especially prevalent. But self-published authors are far from the only writers using these tools. In May, author Steven Rosenbaum, who is published by an imprint of BenBella Books, came under fire when the New York Times found he had included AI-hallucinated quotes in his book “The Future of Truth: How AI Reshapes Reality.” He was open about using LLMs as a resource in the book’s acknowledgments. 

“Given the speed at which the world is moving and publishing is moving, it seems inevitable that more of this is going to happen,” said Paul Bogaards, a longtime book publicity and marketing executive, noting that publishers are asking “what safeguards do we need to have in place to protect ourselves from this happening again?” 

An executive at one of the Big Five publishers said they made the decision not to add specific contractual language on AI, given the rapidly evolving landscape, and that norms differ across imprints and editors. 

“AI is not a substitute for human creativity,” a Penguin Random House spokesperson said. “We see AI as a tool that can support certain publishing workflows, but not as a replacement for authors, illustrators, publishing professionals or the human intellect and judgment that shape our books.”

Andy Hunter, the founder and CEO of <a href="http://Bookshop.org" rel="nofollow">Bookshop.org</a>, feels that debates over where the line is for individual authors obscure a much bigger issue: the deluge of slop books online.

“Probably 99% of these books are meant to trick customers into buying something that is either plagiarized or filled with misinformation or incredibly thin content that was generated by an LLM,” Hunter said. 

Chakrabarty’s study also found that 20% of Amazon ebooks in their data set featured “substantial” AI assistance. The online retailer said it takes measures to remove content that violates its guidelines.

James Daunt, the CEO of Barnes & Noble, received criticism after saying on the “Today” show in May that if customers want to buy AI books, “then we will stock them.” 

In an interview, he clarified his remarks. “What I prefaced it by saying is we don’t at the moment,” he said. “We go to great lengths not to sell them.” Barnes & Noble removes books from its online store if they are discovered to be AI-generated. 

“The books that I want to publish are books that say something original and different from what’s out in the world already, and I don’t think AI is going to come up with those,” said Cindy Spiegel, co-CEO of independent publishing house Spiegel and Grau. But, “if something comes along that’s really phenomenal and feels really meaningful, and I get something out of it, then I think it’s worth having that as part of our repertoire” (although, she notes, these works should always contain a clear disclaimer). 

Right now, public sentiment is still largely against using AI to generate text, although using it for research and outlining is becoming more acceptable. If it turns out that people are happy to read AI-generated or AI-assisted books, especially in genres like fantasy and sci-fi where readers churn through books at a rapid clip, publishers don’t want to cut off a possible revenue stream in a world where those are few and far between.

“The standards around it don’t exist right now,” said Amanda Annis, an agent at Trident Media Group. “There’s just so much gray area that hasn’t come out in the wash yet.”

In an attempt to combat the deluge of slop, the Authors Guild introduced a “human authored” certification that writers can add to their books after signing an attestation. Yet some feel that anything that relies on an honor system lacks the teeth necessary to combat such a far-reaching issue.

Human Authored certification mark from Authors Guild.The ’human authored’ certification mark writers can add to their books after signing an attestation. Authors Guild

Publishing has always been an industry rooted in trust. Editors rely on authors to attest that their works are both accurate and original. The absence of institutional guardrails becomes a topic of conversation every time there is a plagiarism scandal or a memoir’s truthfulness comes under scrutiny, and many worry that AI will be yet another stress test that will further lay bare the industry’s inherent weaknesses. 

Agents, who act as the intermediary between authors and publishers, have found themselves on the front lines. “I think that agents and editors are now being asked to essentially be police,” said Emma Dries, an agent with Triangle House Literary. She said her inbox has been inundated with more queries than ever, which she attributes to writers using LLMs to mass-spam agents, and has received submissions that seemed clearly AI-generated. 

She recently turned down a nonfiction writer whose work she was excited about after they admitted to using AI frequently—not to write, they claimed, but to get inspiration. “I’m sure that person is going to find an agent and get published, and I don’t know if that’ll ever be a conversation,” she said, noting that the person already had a number of offers of representation.

“When I see something that’s honestly badly written, it’s such a breath of fresh air now,” said Angeline Rodriguez, an agent at WME, noting that some of the submissions she’s getting now “make ‘Fifty Shades of Grey’ look like Tolstoy.” 

Some agents simply aren’t asking—and hoping it doesn’t come up. Others are taking a hard line, telling authors that they won’t represent anyone who uses AI at all, even for research. And others are using AI-detection software to vet manuscripts, although the accuracy of these tools remains a source of debate. 

“There’s a lot of anxiety,” said Regina Brooks, CEO of Serendipity Literary Agency and president of the Association of American Literary Agents (AALA). “People are nervous that they’ve worked on a manuscript for a long time and then they may have pulled something from some research and they’re freaking out about whether this would be considered something that wasn’t copyrightable.” 

The fact that AI-generated text can’t be copyrighted has made it one of the hard lines the industry has been able to enforce. Everything else, beyond copy-and-pasting sentences directly from an LLM into your manuscript, is a gray area. 

“We’re all kind of trying to come up with guidance as we go, but it really does feel like the concerns are different this month than they were last month,” said Hannah Bowman, an agent at Liza Dawson Associates who chairs the AALA’s AI Special Committee.

Agents and editors know it’s only a matter of time before the next big AI scandal. “The only silver lining is, thank God, we’re still canceling these books,” as one AI-phobic agent put it. “I don’t know if that will continue to be the case.”

Copyright ©2026 Dow Jones & Company, Inc. All Rights Reserved. 87990cbe856818d5eddac44c7b1cdeb8

Anna Silman is a reporter covering power and culture for The Wall Street Journal. Her work focuses on the social dynamics of wealth and the powerful people who shape culture from behind closed doors. She is also a contributor to WSJ. Magazine.

Previously, Anna was a features correspondent at Business Insider and a senior writer at The Cut. She grew up in London and Toronto and is now based in New York.


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