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Polish president aligns with Trump to block Brussels’ Big Tech law – POLITICO

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  • Veto alliance: President Karol Nawrocki, siding with U.S. President Donald Trump, rejected legislation to enforce the EU Digital Services Act in Poland.
  • DSA opposition: The U.S. administration labels the EU law as censorship against conservatives, mirroring Nawrocki’s concerns about government overreach.
  • Domestic clash: Nawrocki’s veto pits him against pro-EU Prime Minister Donald Tusk, whose parliamentary majority had passed the DSA law.
  • Freedom warning: Nawrocki described granting authorities control over online speech as a step toward Orwellian censorship and urged independent courts instead.
  • Government rebuttal: Deputy PM Krzysztof Gawkowski accused the president of undermining online safety and defended the bill’s reliance on courts.
  • DSA enforcement gap: Poland now lacks national rules to enforce the DSA, with the EU pursuing infringement action and seeking a Digital Services Coordinator.
  • International tensions: EU fines for X and investigations into AI-led content increase friction with Washington and spotlight DSA implementation.
  • Political stalemate: Tusk’s coalition lacks votes to override the veto, deepening legislative gridlock ahead of elections while Nawrocki seeks to boost PiS prospects.

WARSAW — Poland's nationalist President Karol Nawrocki on Friday sided with his ally U.S. President Donald Trump to veto legislation on enforcing the EU's social media law, which is hated by the American administration.

Trump and his top MAGA officials condemn the EU's Digital Services Act — which seeks to force big platforms like Elon Musk's X, Facebook, Instagram to moderate content — as a form of “Orwellian" censorship against conservatives and right-wingers.

The presidential veto stops national regulators in Warsaw from implementing the DSA and sets Nawrocki up for a a clash with centrist pro-EU Prime Minister Donald Tusk. Tusk's parliamentary majority passed the legislation introducing the DSA in Poland.

Nawrocki argued that while the bill’s stated aim of protecting citizens — particularly minors — was legitimate, the Polish bill would grant excessive power to government officials over online content, resulting in “administrative censorship.” 

“I want this to be stated clearly: a situation in which what is allowed on the internet is decided by an official subordinate to the government resembles the construction of the Ministry of Truth from George Orwell’s novel 1984,” Nawrocki said in a statement — echoing the U.S.'s stance on the law.

Nawrocki also warned that allowing authorities to decide what constitutes truth or disinformation would erode freedom of expression “step by step.” He called for a revised draft that would protect children while ensuring that disputes over online speech are settled by independent courts.

Deputy Prime Minister and Digital Affairs Minister Krzysztof Gawkowski dismissed Nawrocki’s position, accusing the president of undermining online safety and siding with digital platforms. 

“The president has vetoed online safety,” Gawkowski told a press briefing Friday afternoon, arguing the law would have protected children from predators, families from disinformation and users from opaque algorithms. 

The minister also rejected Nawrocki’s Orwellian comparisons, saying the bill explicitly relied on ordinary courts rather than officials to rule on online content.

Gawkowski said Poland is now among the few EU countries without national legislation enabling effective enforcement of the DSA and pledged that the government would continue to pursue new rules.

The clash comes as enforcement of the social media law has become a flashpoint in EU-U.S. relations. 

Brussels has already fined Elon Musk’s X €120 million for breaching the law, prompting a furious response from Washington, including travel bans imposed by the Trump administration on former EU Commissioner Thierry Breton, an architect of the tech law, and four disinformation experts.

The DSA allows fines of up to 6 percent of a company’s global revenue and, as a measure of last resort, temporary bans on platforms.

Earlier this week, the European Commission expanded its investigation into X’s AI service Grok after it started posting a wave of non-consensual sexualized pictures of people in response to X users' requests.

The European Commission's digital spokesperson Thomas Regnier said the EU executive would not comment on national legislative procedures. "Implementing the DSA into national law is essential to allow users in Poland to benefit from the same DSA rights, such as challenging platforms if their content is deleted or their account suspended," he said.

"This is why we have an ongoing infringement procedure against Poland. We have referred Poland to the Court of Justice of the EU for failure to designate and empower the Digital Services Coordinator," in May 2025, Regnier added.

Gawkowski said that the government would make a quick decision on what to do next with the vetoed bill but declined to offer specifics on what a new bill would look like were it to be submitted to parliament again.

Tusk four-party coalition does not have enough votes in parliament to override Nawrocki’s vetoes. That has created a political deadlock over key legislation efforts by the government, which stands for reelection next year. Nawrocki, meanwhile, is aiming to help the Law and Justice (PiS) political party he’s aligned with to retake power after losing to Tusk in 2023.

Mathieu Pollet contributed reporting.

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Maduro’s Crypto-Backed Oil Deals Put Tether at Center of Venezuela Money Drama - WSJ

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  • Tether in Venezuela: Maduro boosted tether’s prominence so it now underpins oil settlements and civilian transactions by maintaining a one-to-one U.S. dollar peg.
  • Tether persistence: Crypto analysts believe tether use will continue or grow despite Maduro’s arrest because hyperinflation and failing institutions keep demand high.
  • Sanctions evasion link: Experts warn that governance failures enabling Russia-style sanctions evasion via stablecoins will remain until credible reforms arrive.
  • US investigation aid: Tether’s financial connections in Venezuela position it to assist U.S. authorities in tracing funds alleged to have been stolen by the Maduro regime.
  • Oil payments shift: In response to 2020 sanctions, PdVSA started demanding tether, settling exports through direct wallet transfers or intermediaries converting cash to the stablecoin.
  • Stablecoin revenue: Local estimates indicate nearly 80% of Venezuela’s oil revenue is now collected in stablecoins such as tether, transforming the petroleum economy.
  • Venezuelan daily use: Citizens use tether across everyday needs—from paying fees to buying haircuts—because the bolivar has collapsed and banks lack public trust.
  • US policy context: The U.S. is selling blockaded Venezuelan oil with proceeds held in U.S.-controlled accounts, enabling selective sanction rollbacks while claiming benefits for the Venezuelan people.

By

Vicky Ge Huang

Updated Jan. 10, 2026 3:08 pm ET

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People buying food at a grocery store in Caracas, Venezuela.

Shoppers at a store in Caracas, Venezuela. Carlos Becerra/Getty Images

  • The arrest and removal of Nicolás Maduro is unlikely to diminish tether’s presence in Venezuela, where hyperinflation remains a problem, crypto analysts said.

  • Tether’s financial ties to Venezuela put the cryptocurrency company in prime position to aid U.S. authorities seeking to track down what happened to funds allegedly stolen by the Maduro regime

  • Faced with escalating U.S. sanctions in 2020, Venezuela’s state-run oil company began demanding payments in tether.

An artificial-intelligence tool created this summary, which was based on the text of the article and checked by an editor. Read more about how we use artificial intelligence in our journalism.

  • The arrest and removal of Nicolás Maduro is unlikely to diminish tether’s presence in Venezuela, where hyperinflation remains a problem, crypto analysts said.

    View more

Nicolás Maduro helped make tether the world’s dominant stablecoin. And with the former Venezuelan leader now sitting in a Brooklyn jail, the cryptocurrency’s central role in his nation’s economy is back in the spotlight.

Tether emerged as a vital tool for the state-run oil company to sidestep sanctions, serving as the currency for settling oil transactions. It also has offered a financial lifeline to everyday Venezuelans racked by the tumbling value of their home currency, the bolivar. Like most popular stablecoins, tether maintains a one-to-one peg to the U.S. dollar.

Maduro’s arrest and removal as Venezuela’s president is unlikely to diminish tether’s presence in Venezuela, where hyperinflation remains a problem, according to crypto analysts. Tether’s financial ties to Venezuela put the cryptocurrency company in prime position to aid U.S. authorities as they seek to track down what happened to funds allegedly stolen by the Maduro regime.

“Crypto use in Venezuela will persist and likely expand in the short term,” said Adam Zarazinski, chief executive officer of the crypto-intelligence firm Inca Digital. “For everyday users, it’s a coping mechanism for economic dysfunction and failing institutions. But those same governance failures also enable sanctions evasion, an outcome that won’t change without credible improvements in governance.”

Maduro pleaded not guilty to narcotrafficking charges during his arraignment this past week in U.S. federal court.


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The new phase comes as the cryptocurrency company Tether and its eponymous token, once maligned as the stablecoin choice of outlaws, seek to gain acceptance in the U.S. Last year legislation was passed that paved the way for greater use of stablecoins, and Tether has announced plans to issue a stablecoin available to U.S. investors. Doing so would put the company on equal footing with such rivals as Circle Internet Group and Paxos. Without such a move, Tether risks being sidelined in the U.S. market.

This past week Energy Secretary Chris Wright said the U.S. would sell blockaded Venezuelan oil indefinitely. Proceeds from the sales, Wright said, would be deposited into accounts controlled by the U.S. government and eventually moved to the Latin American country to “benefit the Venezuelan people.” A senior Trump administration official told The Wall Street Journal that the government was selectively rolling back sanctions to enable the transport and sale of crude oil and oil products to the global market.

Faced with escalating U.S. sanctions in 2020, Venezuela’s state-run oil company, Petroleos de Venezuela, or PdVSA, began demanding payments in tether to bypass the traditional banking system. Oil-export payments were settled through direct tether transfers to a certain wallet address or through intermediaries swapping cash proceeds for tether.

The shift was transformative for the country’s oil economy. By one estimate, almost 80% of Venezuela’s oil revenue is collected in stablecoins like tether, a local economist, Asdrúbal Oliveros, said on a recent podcast

Tether has since cooperated with U.S. authorities to freeze dozens of wallets identified as being involved in the Venezuelan oil trade. Spokespeople for Tether didn’t respond to requests for comment.

Not long after the sanctions took effect, tether, whose ticker is USDT, became a viable alternative currency to many Venezuelans, who used the stablecoin to send money across borders, secure savings and pay for daily transactions.

“The Venezuelan bolivar lost 99.8% in the last 10 years against the U.S. dollar, the Turkish lira lost 80%, the Argentina peso around 94.5%,” said Tether CEO Paolo Ardoino at a recent crypto conference. “That is, in one simple chart, the reason why USDT is successful.”

Mauricio Di Bartolomeo, a crypto entrepreneur born and raised in Venezuela, said his 71-year-old aunt called him two months ago because she needed to get tether to pay for the homeowners-association fees for her condo.

“It’s how you pay your landscaper and how you pay for your haircut. You can use tether basically for anything,” said Di Bartolomeo, the co-founder of the crypto lender Ledn. “Stablecoin adoption has gone so far into Venezuela that even without having regulated venues where you can buy and sell them, people still choose to go for stablecoins as opposed to using the local banks.”

SHARE YOUR THOUGHTS

Do you think Tether will gain acceptance in the U.S. despite its history as a tool to sidestep sanctions? Join the conversation below.

Researchers said tether’s role in Venezuela is inevitable owing to the people’s lack of trust in the domestic banking system and strict capital controls that limit access to physical dollars. A case in point: The Venezuelan government’s attempt to introduce an oil-backed cryptocurrency called Petro in 2018 failed because of a lack of public trust and international acceptance. 

“The issue isn’t tether itself, but the dual-use reality of stablecoins,” said Ari Redbord, global head of policy at TRM Labs, which has a partnership with Tether to track illicit activity involving the use of the stablecoin on the Tron blockchain. “They can be a civilian lifeline and, under sanctions pressure, a tool for evasion.”

Write to Vicky Ge Huang at vicky.huang@wsj.com

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Rubio Has Dreamed of Changing Latin America. Embracing MAGA Helped. Rubio Has Dreamed of Changing Latin America. Embracing MAGA Helped.

Copyright ©2026 Dow Jones & Company, Inc. All Rights Reserved. 87990cbe856818d5eddac44c7b1cdeb8

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Taiwan exports to US overtake those to China on AI tech demand - Nikkei Asia

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  • Export shift: In 2025 Taiwan’s exports to the U.S. reached $198.2B, surpassing $170.4B to China for the first time since 1999.
  • Tech demand driver: High-tech products for AI infrastructure largely fueled the surge in U.S.-bound exports.
  • Trade surplus spike: Taiwan’s surplus with the U.S. jumped to $150.1B in 2025, 2.3 times the 2024 record.
  • Economic growth: Strong U.S. exports supported a projected 7.37% real GDP increase in 2025 and an expected 3.54% in 2026.
  • Supply chain realignment: AI server supply chains now ship directly from Taiwan to the U.S., bypassing China.
  • Production footprint: Taiwan-based companies shifted offshore production from China/Hong Kong to Taiwan and Southeast Asia, with over 50% domestic production by 2024.
  • Tariff negotiations: Taiwan faces a provisional 20% U.S. tariff on many goods, with ongoing talks aiming to reduce the rate and narrow the surplus.
  • Taiwan model: Plans promote U.S. science-park-style production clusters, though full supply-chain relocation remains challenging.

TAIPEI -- Taiwan's exports to the U.S. exceeded its exports to China, including Hong Kong, for the first time in 26 years in 2025, new data shows, partly on demand for high-tech products propelled by the artificial intelligence boom, creating worries that the Trump administration may apply more tariff pressure as the Taiwanese trade surplus with America widens.

Taiwan's exports to the U.S. rose 78% on the year to $198.2 billion, surpassing its $170.4 billion in exports to China and making the U.S. the island's top export destination for the first time since 1999. The data, released here Friday by the Ministry of Finance, covers goods trade only.

The Taiwanese trade surplus with the U.S. ballooned to $150.1 billion in 2025 -- 2.3 times the record marked in 2024. U.S. President Donald Trump's administration is pushing to correct the American trade deficit with Taiwan. Taiwanese President Lai Ching-te administration is wary of U.S. tariff pressure and demands to correct the New Taiwan dollar's weakness.

Taiwan's exports to the world increased 35% to a record $640.7 billion in 2025. The U.S. accounted for 31% of this, and China 27%.

This shift is due largely to Taiwanese exports to the U.S. of high-tech products essential for AI infrastructure.

Taiwan-based companies produce 90% of the world's AI servers and account for 70% of semiconductor contract production. Demand from the likes of Nvidia, driven by massive investments in data centers to power the AI boom, dramatically changed where exports from the island go.

Many Taiwanese companies, including Hon Hai Precision Industry, or Foxconn, and Quanta Computer have production bases for personal computers and smartphones in China. But they build high-performance servers for AI data centers in Taiwan itself and Southeast Asia to accommodate large American technology companies cautious about information security.

Exports to China grew significantly starting around 2000 and into the 2010s, driven by the need for semiconductors and other parts to supply Taiwanese companies' large-scale PC and smartphone production sites there.

Now, the mainstream supply chain for AI servers takes them directly to the U.S. from Taiwan, bypassing China. The changes in the supply chain are clear in the data as well.

According to Taiwan's Ministry of Economic Affairs, in 2016 China and Hong Kong were the top production locations for products ordered by Taiwan-based companies overseas, accounting for roughly half of the total. In 2024, this figure came to just 33%. Taiwanese production grew to account for more than 50% in 2024. Production by such companies in Southeast Asia is also on the rise.

"Higher exports to the U.S. than to China will become the norm for Taiwan," said Sun Ming-te, director of the Business Development and Research Center at the Taiwan Institute of Economic Research, a major private think tank.

Strong exports to the U.S. are supporting Taiwan's rapid economic growth. The Directorate-General of Budget, Accounting and Statistics here expects real gross domestic product to have increased 7.37% on the year for 2025. This would be the fastest since 2010, when the island was still recovering from the global financial crisis. Real GDP is projected to grow 3.54% in 2026.

The impact of Trump administration's tariffs on digital products has been limited so far. The U.S. has imposed a 20% added tariff for goods from Taiwan, higher than for goods from Japan, South Korea and elsewhere, but many semiconductor and server products are exempt.

The sharp increase in exports to the U.S. has expanded Taiwan's trade surplus with the country. This contrasts with the shrinking surpluses of other advanced economies, including Japan.

Export trends in 2026 will depend on what happens with the AI boom, Sun said. "If the trade surplus continues to grow, it could raise alarms for the Trump administration," he said.

But tariffs have hit non-high-tech manufacturing hard, including machinery and metals. Taiwanese authorities are still negotiating to bring down the 20% rate, which is supposed to be provisional. Cutting the trade surplus with the U.S. is a focal point in talks.

Taiwan is promoting the "Taiwan model" for the U.S. expansion of its high-tech companies. This draws inspiration from the industrial clusters known as science parks that are found across the island. The plan involves establishing similar clusters for Taiwan-based companies to manufacture their goods in America.

Re-creating the complexity of the needed supply chain in the U.S. could prove difficult. Assembly operations are easy to move, but for now doing so would only increase the supply of components coming from Taiwan.

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The Iranian People Answer the Call to Protest - WSJ

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  • Protests erupt: Reza Pahlavi’s call spurred massive nationwide demonstrations with Iranians chanting “down with the dictator” and “freedom” in Tehran, Mashhad, and other cities.
  • Violence escalates: Security forces abandoned vehicles, state buildings and propaganda offices were burned, and clashes reportedly left several security personnel and many protesters dead.
  • Communication blackout: The regime cut internet and phone lines to disrupt protests and conceal the scale of its repression, mirroring the 2019 playbook when 1,500 protesters were killed.
  • Trump’s warning: President Trump threatened severe retaliation if the regime “slaughters its people,” though he described earlier deaths as “stampedes” and did not sanction the regime yet.
  • Khamenei’s defiance: Iran’s Supreme Leader responded by challenging Trump to manage the U.S. while prosecutors threatened rioters with the death penalty amid worsening national crises.
  • Momentum builds: The protests’ persistence is eroding fear, and without weapons, demonstrators need sympathizers within the regime and military to join their cause.
  • Pahlavi’s role: The exiled crown prince is organizing protests, positioning himself as a unifying transitional symbol rather than a monarchist reinstatement, with enough followership to rally citizens.
  • U.S. response urged: Pahlavi appealed to Trump to restore communications, coordinate with diaspora news, avoid nuclear talks, and support the Iranian people instead of granting regime relief.


By

The Editorial Board

Updated Jan. 10, 2026 2:53 pm ET

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Reza Pahlavi took a risk. From exile, the Shah’s son called on Iranians to rally against the regime at 8 p.m. on Thursday and Friday. If few had showed, Mr. Pahlavi would have been exposed as another big talker from safety abroad. Instead the Iranian people answered his call.

The protest wave accelerated, with the largest demonstrations in years in Tehran, Mashhad and across the country. Anti-regime protesters ruled the streets for hours, even in affluent areas in the capital, shouting “down with the dictator,” “freedom” and “long live the Shah.”

Police vehicles were abandoned and set ablaze. Regime flags were ripped up. Several state buildings were burned in Tehran, along with a state propaganda building in Isfahan. A few security forces were killed, reportedly along with many protesters. A video has emerged of bodies strewn on a hospital floor.

More details are hard to come by because on Thursday the regime cut off internet and phone lines nationwide in an attempt to disrupt protests and cover up its repression. This is the regime’s playbook from 2019, when it killed 1,500 protesters.

Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei doesn’t want President Trump to see the crackdown. On Thursday Mr. Trump reiterated that if the regime slaughters its people, “we’re going to hit them very hard.” For protesters facing down armed regime thugs, this and their own large numbers are their only protection.

But the regime’s earlier repression—at least 40 killed and 2,000 arrested before the blackout—didn’t cross Mr. Trump’s red line, he said Thursday. He attributed those deaths to “stampedes,” which gives the regime a pass.

The Ayatollah replied by taunting Mr. Trump. “If he can, let him manage his own country,” Mr. Khamenei said Friday, while Tehran’s public prosecutor threatened rioters with the death penalty. But Iran’s state failures—in currency, prices, water, electricity and defense—are now undeniable, and a turn to massive violence could lead to an even larger uprising.

Thursday and Friday made clear the protests have broad momentum. The longer they go on, the more Iranians overcome the fear on which the regime depends. Without weapons, the protesters will need sympathizers in the regime and the military to join their cause.

Revolutions also need leaders, and it’s good to see Mr. Pahlavi organize the protests and have other factions and strikers join in. The Iranians in the streets aren’t all in favor of restoring the monarchy, and Mr. Pahlavi says consistently that he wants to be a unifying national symbol and a merely transitional leader. But it’s notable that he has enough of a following that Iranians turned out when he asked.

Someone has to yoke the memory of Iran’s pre-1979 past to a live possibility of a better future. If the exiled Crown Prince can do that, the regime is in more trouble than it knows.

On Friday Mr. Pahlavi appealed to Mr. Trump for help. The U.S. can do so first by restoring communications. Coordination, including via Mr. Pahlavi and diaspora news sites, is essential. Contrary to what Vice President JD Vance suggested Thursday, this is no time for nuclear talks. Undercutting the Iranian people by giving the regime credibility and relief from sanctions would be the Barack Obama move.

This may be a rare moment when revolutionary change is possible. The fall of a regime that has spread terror and mayhem for 47 years would be earth-shaking. This is an opportunity—call it an obligation—for the U.S. and the world to rally to the side of the Iranian people.

image

(FILES) Iranian opposition leader and son of the last shah of Iran Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, Reza Pahlavi holds a press conference in Paris on June 23, 2025. The son of the shah of Iran ousted by the 1979 Islamic Revolution, US-based Reza Pahlavi, who had called for major protests on January 8, 2026, meanwhile urged a new show of force in the streets on Januray 9. Iranians staged their biggest protests yet of an almost two week movement sparked by anger over the rising cost of living, chanting slogans including \"death to the dictator\" and setting fire to official buildings, videos showed. . (Photo by JOEL SAGET / AFP via Getty Images) Joel Saget/Agence France-Presse/Getty Images

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Appeared in the January 10, 2026, print edition as 'The Iranian People Answer the Call'.


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How Markdown took over the world - Anil Dash

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  • Plain text dominance: simple Markdown format powers everything from AI prompts to notes.
  • Gruber’s gamble: John Gruber launched Daring Fireball around Apple’s early revival and introduced Markdown circa 2004.
  • Early blogging ecosystem: Movable Type and pioneering sites shaped tools while creators iterated formats for longer posts and simpler formatting.
  • Markdown’s simplicity: format converts existing keyboard characters into HTML-like formatting with headers, links, and emphasis without needing raw HTML.
  • Community beta testing: Aaron Swartz and other early adopters refined Markdown before launch, enabling quick cross-platform implementation.
  • Widespread adoption: apps like Google Docs, Notepad, Slack, WhatsApp, Discord, Apple Notes, and almost every GitHub repository rely on Markdown files.
  • Open generosity model: Markdown spread for free as part of volunteer-driven internet standards, emphasizing regular people’s contributions over tycoon agendas.
  • Ten success factors: clever naming, real problem solving, familiar behaviors, RSS-era timing, community support, flexible flavors, build-tool compatibility, view-source clarity, and lack of IP barriers explain Markdown’s triumph.

Nearly every bit of the high-tech world, from the most cutting-edge AI systems at the biggest companies, to the casual scraps of code cobbled together by college students, is annotated and described by the same, simple plain text format. Whether you’re trying to give complex instructions to ChatGPT, or you want to be able to exchange a grocery list in Apple Notes or copy someone’s homework in Google Docs, that same format will do the trick. The wild part is, the format wasn’t created by a conglomerate of tech tycoons, it was created by a curmudgeonly guy with a kind heart who right this minute is probably rewatching a Kubrick film while cheering for an absolutely indefensible sports team.

But it’s worth understanding how these simple little text files were born, not just because I get to brag about how generous and clever my friends are, but also because it reminds us of how the Internet really works: smart people think of good things that are crazy enough that they just might work, and then they give them away, over and over, until they slowly take over the world and make things better for everyone.

Making Their Mark

Though it’s now a building block of the contemporary Internet, like so many great things, Markdown just started out trying to solve a personal problem. In 2002, John Gruber made the unconventional decision to bet his online career on two completely irrational foundations: Apple, and blogs.

It’s hard to remember now, but in 2002, Apple was just a few years past having been on death’s door. As difficult as it may be to picture in today’s world where Apple keynotes are treated like major events, back then, almost nobody was covering Apple regularly, let alone writing exclusively about the company. There was barely even an “tech news” scene online at all, and virtually no one was blogging. So John’s decision to go all-in on Apple for his pioneering blog Daring Fireball was, well, a daring one. At the time, Apple had only just launched its first iPod that worked with Windows computers, and the iPhone was still a full five years in the future. But that single-minded focus, not just on Apple, but on obsessive detail in everything he covered, eventually helped inspire much of the technology media landscape that we see today. John’s timing was also perfect — from the doldrums of that era, Apple’s stock price would rise by about 120,000% in the years after Daring Fireball started, and its cultural relevance probably increased by even more than that.

By 2004, it wasn’t just Apple that had begun to take off: blogs and social media themselves had moved from obscurity to the very center of culture, and a new era of web technology had begun. At the beginning of that year, few people in the world even knew what a “blog” was, but by the end of 2004, blogs had become not just ubiquitous, but downright cool. As unlikely as it seems now, that year’s largely uninspiring slate of U.S. presidential candidates like Wesley Clark, Gary Hart and, yes, Howard Dean helped propel blogs into mainstream awareness during the Democratic primaries, alongside online pundits who had begun weighing in on politics and the issues and cultural moments at a pace that newspapers and TV couldn’t keep up with. A lot has been written about the transformation of media during those years, but less has been written about how the media and tech of the time transformed each other.

A photo from 2004 of a TV screen showing CNN, with a ticker saying

That era of early blogging was interesting in that nearly everyone who was writing the first popular sites was also busy helping create the tools for publishing them. Just like Lucille Ball and Desi Arnaz had to pioneer combining studio-style flat lighting with 35mm filming in order to define the look of the modern sitcom, or Jimi Hendrix had to work with Roger Mayer to invent the signature guitar distortion pedals that defined the sound of rock and roll, the pioneers who defined the technical format and structures of blogging were often building the very tools of creation as they went along.

I got a front row seat to these acts of creation. At the time I was working on Movable Type, which was the most popular tool for publishing “serious” blogs, and helped popularize the medium. Two of my good friends had built the tool and quickly made it into the default choice for anybody who wanted to reach a big audience; it was kind of a combination of everything people do these days on WordPress and all the various email newsletter platforms and all of the “serious” podcasts (since podcasts wouldn’t be invented for another few months). But back in those early days, we’d watch people use our tools to set up Gawker or Huffington Post one day, and Daring Fireball or <a href="http://Waxy.org" rel="nofollow">Waxy.org</a> the next, and each of them would be the first of its kind, both in terms of its design and its voice. To this day, when I see something online that I love by Julianne Escobedo Shepherd or Ta-Nehisi Coates or Nilay Patel or Annalee Newitz or any one of dozens of other brilliant writers or creators, my first thought is often, “hey! They used to type in that app that I used to make!” Because sometimes those writers would inspire us to make a new feature in the publishing tools, and sometimes they would have hacked up a new feature all by themselves in between typing up their new blog posts.

A really clear, and very simple, early example of how we learned that lesson was when we changed the size of the box that people used to type in just to create the posts on their sites. We made the box a little bit taller, mostly for aesthetic reasons. Within a few weeks, we’d found that posts on sites like Gawker had gotten longer, mostly because the box was bigger. This seems obvious now, years after we saw tweets get longer when Twitter expanded from 140 characters to 280 characters, but at the time this was a terrifying glimpse at how much power a couple of young product managers in a conference room in California would have over the media consumption of the entire world every time they made a seemingly-insignificant decision.

The other dirty little secret was, typing in the box in that old blogging app could be… pretty wonky sometimes. People who wanted to do normal things like include an image or link in their blog post, or even just make some text bold, often had to learn somewhat-obscure HTML formatting, memorizing the actual language that’s used to make web pages. Not everybody knew all the details of how to make pages that way, and if they made even one small mistake, sometimes they could break the whole design of their site. It made things feel very fraught every time a writer went to publish something new online, and got in the way of the increasingly-fast pace of sharing ideas now that social media was taking over the public conversation.

Enter John and his magical text files.

Marking up and marking down

The purpose of Markdown is really simple: It lets you use the regular characters on your keyboard which you already use while typing out things like emails, to make fancy formatting of text for the web. That HTML format that’s used to make web pages stands for HyperText Markup Language. The word “markup” there means you’re “marking up” your text with all kinds of special characters. Only, the special characters can be kind of arcane. Want to put in a link to everybody’s favorite website? Well, you’re going to have to type in <a href="https://anildash.com/">Anil Dash’s blog</a> I could explain why, and what it all means, but honestly, you get the point — it’s a lot! Too much. What if you could just write out the text and then the link, sort of like you might within an email? Like: [Anil Dash’s <a href="http://blog%5D%28https://anildash.com" rel="nofollow">blog](https://anildash.com</a>)! And then the right thing would happen. Seems great, right?

The same thing works for things like putting a header on a page. For example, as I’m writing this right now, if I want to put a big headline on this page, I can just type #How Markdown Took Over the World and the right thing will happen.

If mark_up_ is complicated, then the opposite of that complexity must be… markd_own_. This kind of solution, where it’s so smart it seems obvious in hindsight, is key to Markdown’s success. John worked to make a format that was so simple that anybody could pick it up in a few minutes, and powerful enough that it could help people express pretty much anything that they wanted to include while writing on the internet. At a technical level, it was also easy enough to implement that John could write the code himself to make it work with Movable Type, his publishing tool of choice. (Within days, people had implemented the same feature for most of the other blogging tools of the era; these days, virtually every app that you can type text into ships with Markdown support as a feature on day one.)

Prior to launch, John had enlisted our mutual friend, the late, dearly missed Aaron Swartz, as a beta tester. In addition to being extremely fluent in every detail of the blogging technologies of the time, Aaron was, most notably, seventeen years old. And though Aaron’s activism and untimely passing have resulted in him having been turned into something of a mythological figure, one of the greatest things about Aaron was that he could be a total pain in the ass, which made him terrific at reporting bugs in your software. (One of the last email conversations I ever had with Aaron was him pointing out some obscure bugs in an open source app I was working on at the time.) No surprise, Aaron instantly understood both the potential and the power of Markdown, and was a top-tier beta tester for the technology as it was created. His astute feedback helped finely hone the final product so it was ready for the world, and when Markdown quietly debuted in March of 2004, it was clear that text files around the web were about to get a permanent upgrade.

The most surprising part of what happened next wasn’t that everybody immediately started using it to write their blogs; that was, after all, what the tool was designed to do. It’s that everybody started using Markdown to do everything else, too.

Hitting the Mark

It’s almost impossible to overstate the ubiquity of Markdown within the modern computer industry in the decades since its launch.

After being nagged about it by users for more than a decade, Google finally added support for Markdown to Google Docs, though it took them years of fiddly improvements to make it truly usable. Just last year, Microsoft added support for Markdown to its venerable Notepad app, perhaps in attempt to assuage the tempers of users who were still in disbelief that Notepad had been bloated with AI features. Nearly every powerful group messaging app, from Slack to WhatsApp to Discord, has support for Markdown in messages. And even the company that indirectly inspired all of this in the first place finally got on board: the most recent version of Apple Notes finally added support for Markdown. (It’s an especially striking launch by Apple due to its timing, shortly after John had used his platform as the most influential Apple writer in the world to blog about the utter failure of the “Apple Intelligence” AI launch.)

But it’s not just the apps that you use on your phone or your laptop. For developers, Markdown has long been the lingua franca of the tools we string together to accomplish our work. On GitHub, the platform that nearly every developer in the world uses to share their code, nearly every single repository of code on the site has at least one Markdown file that’s used to describe its contents. Many have dozens of files describing all the different aspects of their project. And some of the repositories on GitHub consist of nothing but massive collections of Markdown files. The small tools and automations we run to perform routine tasks, the one-off reports that we generate to make sure something worked correctly, the confirmations that we have a system email out when something goes wrong, the temporary files we use when trying to recover some old data — all of these default to being Markdown files.

As a result, there are now billions of Markdown files lying around on hard drives around the world. Billions more are stashed in the cloud. There are some on the phone in your pocket. Programmers leave them lying around wherever their code might someday be running. Your kid’s Nintendo Switch has Markdown files on it. If you’re listening to music, there’s probably a Markdown file on the memory chip of the tiny system that controls the headphones stuck in your ears. The Markdown is inside you right now!

Down For Whatever

So far, these were all things we could have foreseen when John first unleashed his little text tool on the world. I would have been surprised about how many people were using it, but not really the ways in which they were using it. If you’d have said “Twenty years in the future, all the different note-taking apps people use save their files using Markdown!”, I would have said, “Okay, that makes sense!”

What I wouldn’t have asked, though, was “Is John getting paid?” As hard as it may be to believe, back in 2004, the default was that people made new standards for open technologies like Markdown, and just shared them freely for the good of the internet, and the world, and then went on about their lives. If it happened to have unleashed billions of dollars of value for others, then so much the better. If they got some credit along the way, that was great, too. But mostly you just did it to solve a problem for yourself and for other like-minded people. And also, maybe, to help make sure that some jerk didn’t otherwise create some horrible proprietary alternative that would lock everybody into their terrible inferior version forever instead. (We didn’t have the word “enshittification” yet, but we did have Cory Doctorow and we did have plain text files, so we kind of knew where things were headed.)

To give a sense of the vibe of that era, the term “podcasting” had been coined just a month before Markdown was released, and went into wider use that fall, and was similarly a radically open system that wasn’t owned by any big company and that empowered people to do whatever they wanted to do to express themselves. (And podcasting was another technology that Aaron Swartz helped improve by being a brilliant pain in the ass. But I’ll save that story for another book-length essay.)

That attitude of being not-quite-_anti_commercial, but perhaps just not even really concerned with whether something was commercial or not seems downright quaint in an era when the tech tycoons are not just the wealthiest people in the world, but also some of the weirdest and most obnoxious as well. But the truth is, most people today who make technology are actually still exceedingly normal, and quite generous. It’s just that they’ve been overshadowed by their bosses who are out of their minds and building rocket ships and siring hundreds of children and embracing overt white supremacy instead of making fun tools for helping you type text, like regular people do.

The Markdown Model

The part about not doing this stuff solely for money matters, because even the most advanced LLM systems today, what the big AI companies call their “frontier” models, require complex orchestration that’s carefully scripted by people who’ve tuned their prompts for these systems through countless rounds of trial and error. They’ve iterated and tested and watched for the results as these systems hallucinated or failed or ran amok, chewing up countless resources along the way. And sometimes, they generated genuinely astonishing outputs, things that are truly amazing to consider that modern technology can achieve. The rate of progress and evolution, even factoring in the mind-boggling amounts of investment that are going into these systems, is rivaled only by the initial development of the personal computer or the Internet, or the early space race.

And all of it — all of it — is controlled through Markdown files. When you see the brilliant work shown off from somebody who’s bragging about what they made ChatGPT generate for them, or someone is understandably proud about the code that they got Claude to create, all of the most advanced work has been prompted in Markdown. Though where the logic of Markdown was originally a very simple version of "use human language to tell the machine what to do", the implications have gotten far more dire when they use a format designed to help expresss "make this **bold**" to tell the computer itself "make this imaginary girlfriend more compliant".

But we already know that the Big AI companies are run by people who don't reckon with the implications of their work. They could never understand that every single project that's even moderately ambitious on these new AI platforms is being written up in files formatted according to this system created by one guy who has never asked for a dime for this work. An entire generation of AI coders has been born since Markdown was created who probably can’t even imagine that this technology even has an "inventor". It’s just always been here, like the Moon, or Rihanna.

But it’s important for everyone to know that the Internet, and the tech industry, don’t run without the generosity and genius of regular people. It is not just billion-dollar checks and Silicon Valley boardrooms that enable creativity over years, decades, or generations — it’s often a guy with a day job who just gives a damn about doing something right, sweating the details and assuming that if he cares enough about what he makes then others will too. The majority of the technical infrastructure of the Internet was created in this way. For free, often by people in academia, or as part of their regular work, with no promise of some big payday or getting a ton of credit.

The people who make the real Internet and the real innovations also don’t look for ways to hurt the world around them, or the people around them. Sometimes, as in the case of Aaron, the world hurts them more than anyone should ever have to bear. I know not everybody cares that much about plain text files on the Internet; I will readily admit I am a huge nerd about this stuff in a way that maybe most normal people are not. But I do think everybody cares about some part of the wonderful stuff on the Internet in this way, and I want to fight to make sure that everybody can understand that it’s not just five terrible tycoons who built this shit. Real people did. Good people. I saw them do it.

The trillion-dollar AI industry's system for controlling their most advanced platforms is a plain text format one guy made up for his blog and then bounced off of a 17-year-old kid before sharing it with the world for free. You're welcome, Time Magazine's people of the year, The Architects of AI. Their achievement is every bit as impressive as yours.

The Ten Technical Reasons Markdown Won

Okay, with some of the narrative covered, what can we learn from Markdown’s success? How did this thing really take off? What could we do if we wanted to replicate something like this in the modern era? Let’s consider a few key points:

1. Had a great brand.

Okay, let’s be real: “Markdown” as a name is clever as hell. Get it it’s not markup, it’s mark down. You just can’t argue with that kind of logic. People who knew what the “M” in “HTML” stood for could understand the reference, and to everyone else, it was just a clearly-understandable name for a useful utility.

2. Solved a real problem.

This one is not obvious, but it’s really important that a new technology have a real problem that it’s trying to solve, instead of just being an abstract attempt to do something vague, like “make text files better”. Millions of people were encountering the idea that it was too difficult or inconvenient to write out full HTML by hand, and even if one had the necessary skills, it was nice to be able to do so in a format that was legible as plain text as well.

3. Built on behaviors that already existed.

This is one of the most quietly genius parts of Markdown: The format is based on the ways people had been adding emphasis and formatting to their text for years or even decades. Some of the formatting choices dated back to the early days of email, so they’d been ingrained in the culture of the internet for a full generation before Markdown existed. It was so familiar, people could be writing Markdown without even knowing it.

4. Mirrored RSS in its origin.

Around the same time that Markdown was taking off, RSS was maturing into its ubiquitous form as well. The format had existed for some years already, enabling various kinds of content syndication, but at this time, it was adding support for the technologies that would come to be known as podcasting as well. And just like RSS, Markdown was spearheaded by a smart technologist who was also more than a little stubborn about defining a format that would go on to change the way we share content on the internet. In RSS’ case, it was pioneered by Dave Winer, and with Markdown it was John Gruber, and both were tireless in extolling the virtues of the plain text formats they’d helped pioneer. They could both leverage blogs to get the word out, and to get feedback on how to build on their wins.

5. There was a community ready to help.

One great thing about a format like Markdown is that its success is never just the result of one person. Vitally, Markdown was part of a community that could build on it right from the start. Right from the beginning, Markdown was inspired by earlier works like Textile, a formatting system for plain text created by Dean Allen. Many of us appreciated and were inspired by Dean, who was a pioneer of blogging tools in the early days of social media, but if there’s a bigger fan of Dean Allen on the internet than John Gruber, I’ve never met them. Similarly, Aaron Swartz, the brilliant young technologist who’s known best known as an activist for digital rights and access, was at that time just a super brilliant teenager that a lot of us loved hacking with. He was the most valuable beta tester of Markdown prior to its release, helping to shape it into a durable and flexible format that’s stood the test of time.

6. Had the right flavor for every different context.

Because Markdown’s format was frozen in place (and had some super-technical details that people could debate about) and people wanted to add features over time, various communities that were implementing Markdown could add their own “flavors” of it as they needed. Popular ones came to be called Commonmark and Github-Flavored, led by various companies or teams that had divergent needs for the tool. While tech geeks tend to obsess over needing everything to be “correct”, in reality it often just doesn’t matter that much, and in the real world, the entire Internet is made up of content that barely follows the technical rules that it’s supposed to.

7. Released at a time of change in behaviors and habits.

This is a subtle point, but an important one: Markdown came along at the right time in the evolution of its medium. You can get people to change their behaviors when they’re using a new tool, or adopting a new technology. In this case, blogging (and all of social media!) were new, so saying “here’s a new way of typing a list of bullet points” wasn’t much an additional learning curve to add to the mix. If you can take advantage of catching people while they’re already in a learning mood, you can really tap into the moment when they’re most open-minded to new things.

8. Came right on the cusp of the “build tool era”.

This one’s a bit more technical, but also important to understand. In the first era of building for the web, people often built the web’s languages of HTML, Javascript and CSS by hand, by themselves, or stitched these formats together from subsets or templates. But in many cases, these were fairly simple compositions, made up of smaller pieces that were written in the same languages. As things matured, the roles for web developers specialized (there started to be backend developers vs. front-end, or people who focused on performance vs. those who focused on visual design), and as a result the tooling for developers matured. On the other side of this transition, developers began to use many different programming languages, frameworks and tools, and the standard step before trying to deploy a website was to have an automated build process that transformed the “raw materials” of the site into the finished product. Since Markdown is a raw material that has to be transformed into HTML, it perfectly fit this new workflow as it became the de facto standard method of creation and collaboration.

9. Worked with “View source”

Most of the technologies that work best on the web enable creators to “view source” just like HTML originally did when the first web browsers were created. In this philosophy, one can look at the source code that makes up a web page, and understand how it was constructed so that you can make your own. With Markdown, it only takes one glimpse of a source Markdown file for anyone to understand how they might make a similar file of their own, or to extrapolate how they might apply analogous formatting to their own documents. There’s no teaching required when people can just see it for themselves.

10. Not encumbered in IP

This one’s obvious if you think about it, but it can’t go unsaid: There are no legal restrictions around Markdown. You wouldn’t think that anybody would be foolish or greedy enough to try to patent something as simple as Markdown, but there are many far worse examples of patent abuse in the tech industry. Fortunately, John Gruber is not an awful person, and nobody else has (yet) been brazen enough to try to usurp the format for their own misadventures in intellectual property law. As a result, nobody’s been afraid, either to use the format, or to support creating or reading the format in their apps.

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Venezuela: the Hizbollah connection // Across thousands of miles, the Lebanese militant group forged illicit business links with a Caracas regime frozen out by the US

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  • Secret Hizbollah Contact: 2007 Maduro visit to Damascus included previously unreported meeting with a senior Hizbollah commander before his trip to Tehran, suggesting early ties beyond public diplomacy.
  • US Charges and Capture: Maduro faces narco-terrorism charges including cocaine import and weapons possession after being captured by US forces; Secretary Rubio cited Venezuela’s cooperation with Hizbollah and Iran as unacceptable hemispheric threats.
  • Project Cassandra Evidence: DEA’s investigation found Hizbollah operatives receiving Venezuelan passports, Conviasa flights transporting cocaine and bulk currency to Damascus, and coordination requiring Chavista awareness.
  • Margarita Island Activity: Reports surfaced circa 2010 of Hizbollah fighters training on Margarita Island, which also functions as a key financial hub and hosts a large Lebanese diaspora.
  • Sanctioned Facilitators: Figures like Ghazi Nasr Al Din, Tareck El Aissami, and Adel El Zabayar were linked to passport schemes, financial support, and narco-terrorism charges tied to Hizbollah networks.
  • Continued Money Laundering: A Binance complaint alleges Venezuela-based, Hizbollah-linked smugglers moved tens of millions in crypto, while prior reports tied Venezuelan wallets to sanctioned operatives moving illicit funds.
  • Uncertain Impact: Despite Maduro’s capture, experts question how US action will hinder Hizbollah and Iran’s operations since the existing regime infrastructure and alleged collaborations remain intact.

As foreign minister of Venezuela, Nicolás Maduro travelled to Damascus in 2007 for a highly publicised meeting with then-president of Syria, Bashar al-Assad, en route to Tehran.

Maduro was ostensibly in the region to strengthen his country’s ties with others similarly hostile to Washington. But behind closed doors, his visit had another purpose: a secret meeting with a senior Hizbollah commander, integral to its overseas operations.

The previously unreported encounter took place at a hotel in central Damascus, said three people with knowledge of the meeting, and would mark the first known instance of Maduro meeting directly with a member of the Lebanese militant group.

Washington, particularly recent Republican administrations, has long accused Venezuelan officials of colluding with Hizbollah in drug trafficking operations and illicit finance, with several Maduro allies subject to criminal investigations by US authorities that cite such links.

Those relationships face renewed scrutiny following Maduro’s capture by US forces last week in a brazen pre-dawn raid on Caracas. 

Maduro faces sweeping drug trafficking charges. In court in New York on Monday, he pleaded not guilty to four charges of narco-terrorism, conspiracy to import cocaine and possession of weapons.

The indictment does not mention Hizbollah or Iran, but in an interview the day after Maduro’s capture, US secretary of state Marco Rubio said Venezuela has “cosied up to Hizbollah” and its patron Tehran.

“It’s very simple,” Rubio said. “In the 21st century, under the Trump administration, we are not going to have a country like Venezuela in our own hemisphere, in the sphere of control and at the crossroads for Hizbollah, for Iran and for every other malign influence in the world. That’s just not going to exist.”

Hizbollah’s Venezuelan connection sprang from a burgeoning relationship between Tehran and Caracas shaped by anti-US ideology and the impact of Washington’s sanctions on both countries.

Hizbollah, Iran’s biggest proxy, developed relationships with government officials in Caracas under the late leader Hugo Chávez, which grew closer under Maduro, said an intelligence official and another person familiar with the situation.

One of the people said: “You all of a sudden start seeing Hizbollah activities proliferate. We’re talking drug trafficking, money laundering, schemes to obtain passports, arms, intelligence — all orchestrated with diplomatic cover.” 

Hizbollah and Venezuelan authorities have always denied the claims.

But multiple investigations and overt clues illustrate the depth of the relationships, which developed as Hizbollah took an entrepreneurial approach to activities such as money laundering and arms trafficking across the world. 

Kidnapped Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro is taken to a New York court on January 5 for his first appearance on US federal charges © Eduardo Munoz/Reuters

Jack Kelly, a retired agent for the US Drug Enforcement Administration who helped lead its investigation into Hizbollah and organised crime — dubbed “Project Cassandra” — said the agency found evidence that Hizbollah operatives were provided with Venezuelan passports, while Conviasa, Venezuela’s state-owned airline, provided the group with logistical support.

Project Cassandra was initiated in 2008 to investigate activities including drug trafficking, weapons smuggling and money laundering. Kelly said that around 2010, the DEA learned of cocaine loads being sent on Conviasa flights to Damascus, as well as large bulk shipments of hard currency.

This, Kelly said, was to send on to Hizbollah-linked money exchanges in Lebanon. “That couldn’t have happened without the Chavistas being aware of it,” he said.

Roger Noriega, a former US assistant secretary of state for western hemisphere affairs, in 2012 testified that Conviasa operated regular flights from Caracas to Damascus and Tehran “providing Iran, Hizbollah, and associated narco-traffickers a surreptitious means to move personnel, weapons, contraband and other materiel”.

Much of the evidence of links between Hizbollah and Venezuela dates from Project Cassandra, one of the most comprehensive criminal investigations into the Lebanese group’s international ties. 

But Hizbollah’s relationships in Venezuela appear to have continued since that probe, which ended in 2016.

A complaint filed in a US federal court against the cryptocurrency exchange Binance in December alleged that Venezuela-based, Hizbollah-linked gold smugglers and money launderers had moved tens of millions of dollars in crypto through the exchange. 

Binance said in response to the case that it fully complied with “internationally recognised sanctions laws”.

In one of its most significant findings, Project Cassandra uncovered links between a high-ranking Hizbollah official and a Medellín-based Lebanese drug kingpin with ties to the militant group, Ayman Jomaa.

Jomaa was accused of running one of the largest and most sophisticated international drug smuggling and money laundering networks, involving Colombia and Venezuela, that the DEA had ever seen.

In his testimony, Noriega stated that “Venezuela has provided thousands of phone IDs, passports and visas to persons of Middle Eastern origin” — claims echoed to the FT by ex-US officials and the intelligence official.

Tareck El Aissami, centre, is a former vice-president of Venezuela who has been indicted on corruption and sanctions-dodging charges in the US © AFP via Getty Images

Tareck El Aissami, a former Maduro confidant and vice-president sanctioned by the US, Canada and the EU, was key to the passports scheme, said the person familiar with the situation. El Aissami has been indicted on corruption and sanctions-dodging charges in the US.

At the same time, investigators saw striking images of Hizbollah fighters in Venezuela. Kelly said that the DEA around 2010 saw credible evidence that operatives from the militant group were present.

“We saw pictures of Hizbollah fighters on rooftops in Margarita Island with long guns training in urban warfare,” he said. Margarita Island, a duty-free zone off the coast, is a hub of Hizbollah financial activity, said the intelligence official, and is home to a large Lebanese diaspora community. 

Another former US official also said they had seen evidence of Hizbollah fighters wearing fatigues in Venezuela around the same time.

Some members of the Trump administration have described these as training camps, but Matthew Levitt, a former counterterrorism official with the FBI and US Treasury, now an expert on Hizbollah’s global reach, said that was an exaggeration. “Hizbollah has a very deep history in Venezuela . . . It doesn’t need to run training camps to maintain a presence there.”

As foreign minister of Venezuela, Nicolás Maduro travelled to Damascus in 2007 for a highly publicised meeting with then-president of Syria, Bashar al-Assad © Sana/Reuters

At times Hizbollah, which was founded in the early 1980s, turned to the sizeable Lebanese diaspora community in Latin America for support, relying on clan-based networks for funding and help concealing illicit business activities, either voluntarily or through coercion. 

“Some of [Maduro’s] confidants and most trusted fixers were from those clans,” said the intelligence official.

As early as 2008, the US Treasury sanctioned Ghazi Nasr Al Din, a Venezuelan diplomat who worked at the embassies in Damascus and Beirut and “utilised his position […] to provide financial support to Hizbollah”.

A 2020 Atlantic Council report written by an analyst who has since joined Trump’s Department of Defense identified the Nasr Al Din clan as one of three “embedded into the Maduro regime bureaucracy […] who provided protection and resources to Hizbollah”.

Adel El Zabayar, a close Maduro ally, was indicted by the US DoJ in 2020 on narco-terrorism charges and was accused of links to Hizbollah, including appearing in propaganda videos for the group. 

Trump administration officials have also made claims with little evidence that Hizbollah planned to use Venezuela as a basis for what would be unprecedented direct attacks on the US.

The Republican chair of the House foreign affairs committee, Brian Mast, on Monday night claimed Maduro had allowed Hizbollah to use Venezuela “as a base for espionage and kinetic operations against the US”.

Legal cases have also alleged Venezuelan links with the Palestinian militant group Hamas, with little supporting evidence.

At the same time there are signs that Hizbollah’s Venezuela connections have endured.

People celebrate while holding Palestinian and Hizbollah flags at an outdoor event in Caracas © Ariana Cubillos/AP

The FT in December found that Venezuela-based crypto accounts had transacted with crypto wallets later linked to Tawfiq Al-Law — a US sanctioned Syrian accused of moving illicit money for Hizbollah, the Iran-backed Houthis in Yemen and a company tied to the Assad regime in Syria.

Binance said it denied the allegations and fully complied with “internationally recognised sanctions laws, consistent with other financial institutions”.

Rubio’s message was being read by Hizbollah, already weakened and under continuous attack by Israel, as a clear threat to their continued operations, according to the person familiar with the group’s thinking. 

“But [Maduro’s] regime is still in place. The system is still in place — the same one that seemingly collaborated with Hizbollah,” said Levitt, the former US counterterrorism official.

“Perhaps the secretary knows something that I don’t — but looking in from the outside, it’s completely unclear to me how what the US did is going to translate into a setback for Hizbollah and Iran in Venezuela.”

Additional reporting by Bita Ghaffari in Tehran and Abigail Hauslohner in Washington

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