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E3 joint statement on Iran: activation of the snapback - GOV.UK

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  • Nuclear Proliferation Constraints: The E3 maintains the strategic objective of preventing Iran from acquiring or developing nuclear weapons through international oversight.
  • Snapback Mechanism Implementation: UN Security Council resolutions from 2006 to 2010 were successfully re-instated on 27 September 2025 due to consistent Iranian non-compliance.
  • Documented Program Violations: IAEA reports indicate that Iran possesses enriched uranium stockpiles 48 times the agreed limits and lacks credible civilian justifications for current activity.
  • Diplomatic Engagement Failures: Multiple attempts at negotiations, including dispute resolution mechanisms and specific conditional offers, were rejected or ignored by the Iranian government.
  • Sanctions Enforcement Mandate: Member states are now urged to enforce the re-applied restrictive measures to ensure international nuclear non-proliferation obligations are met.

We, the Foreign Ministers of France, Germany and the United Kingdom (the E3), continue to share the fundamental objective that Iran shall never seek, acquire or develop a nuclear weapon. With this objective in mind, our countries agreed first the Joint Plan of Action (JPoA) in 2013 and subsequently the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPoA) in 2015, together with the United States, Russia and China. And it is due to Iran’s persistent and significant non-performance of its JCPoA commitments that we triggered the snapback mechanism on 28 August 2025.

We welcome the re-instatement since 20:00 EDT (00:00 GMT) on 27 September 2025 of Resolutions 1696 (2006), 1737 (2006), 1747 (2007), 1803 (2008), 1835 (2008), and 1929 (2010) after completion of the snapback process as provided for in UN Security Council Resolution 2231. We urge Iran and all states to abide fully by these resolutions.

These resolutions are not new: they contain a set of sanctions and other restrictive measures that were previously imposed by the UN Security Council and relate to Iran’s proliferation activities. Those measures were lifted by the Council in the context of the JCPoA, at a time when Iran had committed to ensuring its nuclear programme was exclusively peaceful. Given that Iran repeatedly breached these commitments, the E3 had no choice but to trigger the snapback procedure, at the end of which those resolutions were brought back into force. 

Since 2019, Iran has exceeded all limits on its nuclear programme that it had freely committed to under the JCPoA. According to the IAEA’s report of 4 September 2025, Iran holds a quantity of enriched uranium which is 48 times the JCPoA limit. Today, Iran’s stockpile is entirely outside of IAEA monitoring. This includes 10 ‘Significant Quantities’ of High Enriched Uranium (HEU) – 10 times the approximate amount of nuclear material for which the possibility of manufacturing a nuclear explosive device cannot be excluded. Iran has no credible civilian justification whatsoever for its HEU stockpile. No other country without a nuclear weapons programme enriches uranium to such levels and at this scale.

Despite these long-standing violations, the E3 have continuously made every effort to avoid triggering snapback, bring Iran back into compliance and reach a durable and comprehensive diplomatic resolution. We triggered the JCPoA’s dispute resolution mechanism in January 2020 as acknowledged by the JCPoA coordinator. In 2020 and 2021 we engaged in months of talks with the aim of fully restoring the JCPoA and returning the United States to the deal. Instead, Iran chose to reject two offers put on the table by the JCPoA coordinator in 2022 and to further expand its nuclear activities in clear breach of its JCPoA commitments.

In July 2025, we offered Iran a limited, one-time snapback extension provided that Iran agreed to resume direct and unconditional negotiations with the United States, return to compliance with its legally binding safeguards obligations, and address its high enriched uranium stockpile. These measures were fair and achievable. Iran did not engage seriously with this offer.

On 28 August, in view of Iran’s continued nuclear escalation, France, Germany and the United Kingdom initiated the “snapback” mechanism as a last resort, in accordance with paragraph 11 of Security Council Resolution 2231. This began a 30-day process designed to give Iran an opportunity to address concerns over its nuclear programme. Our snapback extension offer remained on the table during that period.

Regrettably, Iran did not take the necessary actions to address our concerns, nor to meet our asks on extension, despite extensive dialogue, including during United Nations High-Level Week. In particular, Iran has not authorised IAEA inspectors to regain access to Iran’s nuclear sites, nor has it produced and transmitted to the IAEA a report accounting for its stockpile of high-enriched uranium.

On 19 September, in accordance with UNSCR 2231, the Security Council voted on a resolution that would have maintained sanctions-lifting on Iran. The outcome of the vote was an unambiguous no. This decision sent a clear signal that all states must abide by their international commitments and obligations regarding nuclear non-proliferation.

France, Germany and the United Kingdom are now focusing, as a matter of urgency, on the swift reintroduction of restrictions reapplied by these resolutions, in accordance with our obligations as UN member states. We urge all UN member states to implement these sanctions.

Our countries will continue to pursue diplomatic routes and negotiations. The reimposition of UN sanctions is not the end of diplomacy. We urge Iran to refrain from any escalatory action and to return to compliance with its legally binding safeguards obligations. The E3 will continue to work with all parties towards a new diplomatic solution to ensure Iran never gets a nuclear weapon.

Media enquiries

Email newsdesk@fcdo.gov.uk

Telephone 020 7008 3100

Email the FCDO Newsdesk (monitored 24 hours a day) in the first instance, and we will respond as soon as possible.

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Early weight gain can have lifelong consequences | Lund University

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  • Study Scope: Researchers tracked over 600,000 individuals between the ages of 17 and 60 to analyze the impact of weight fluctuations on long-term mortality.
  • Early Onset Risks: Rapid weight gain in early adulthood correlates with a approximately 70 percent higher risk of premature death from obesity-related conditions compared to individuals who remain at a healthy weight.
  • Biological Exposure: The increased mortality risk is partially attributed to the prolonged duration of exposure to the physiological effects of excess body mass.
  • Cancer Exceptions: Weight gain patterns in women show a different correlation regarding cancer risk, suggesting that hormonal shifts, such as those occurring during menopause, may influence health outcomes independently of duration.
  • Methodological Robustness: The research utilized objective weight measurements taken by healthcare professionals across multiple intervals, providing more reliable data than self-reported historical weight tracking.

When in life we gain weight can have a significant impact on our health many years later. In a study involving over 600,000 people, researchers at Lund University in Sweden have investigated how changes in weight between the ages of 17 and 60 are linked to the risk of dying from various diseases. The results show a clear pattern: weight gain early in adulthood has the greatest impact.

It has long been known that obesity increases the risk of several diseases. In this new study, researchers have instead investigated how changes in weight over the course of adulthood affect health.  
 
“The most consistent finding is that weight gain at a younger age is linked to a higher risk of premature death later in life, compared with people who gain less weight,” says Tanja Stocks, Associate Professor of Epidemiology at Lund University. She is one of the researchers behind the study, which has now been published in eClinicalMedicine. 

Large-scale data and long-term tracking

The study is based on data from over 600,000 people, who were tracked via various registers. To be included in the study, participants needed to have had their weight assessed on at least three occasions, for example during early pregnancy, at military conscription, or as a participant of a research study. During the period studied by the researchers, 86,673 of the men and 29,076 of the women died.    

The researchers analysed how weight changed between the ages of 17 and 60 and how this was linked to the risk of death overall and from various obesity-related diseases (see fact box). On average, both men and women gained 0.4 kg per year. 

Early weight gain and increased health risks

The results show that people who gained weight more rapidly over this adult life course had a higher risk of dying from various obesity-related diseases examined by the researchers. People with obesity onset between the ages of 17 and 29 had an approximately 70 per cent higher risk of premature death compared with those who did not develop obesity before age 60. Obesity onset was defined as the first time a person’s body mass index, a measure based on weight and height (kg/m²), reached 30 or higher. 
 
“One possible explanation for why people with early obesity onset are at greater risk is their longer period exposed to the biological effects of excess weight,” says Huyen Le, doctoral student at Lund University and first author of the study.  

However, the pattern differed in one instance: when it came to cancer in women.   

“The risk was roughly the same regardless of when the weight gain occurred. If long-term exposure to obesity were the underlying risk factor, earlier weight gain should imply a higher risk. The fact that this is not the case suggests that other biological mechanisms may also play a role in cancer risk and survival in women,” says Huyen Le.  

One possible explanation could be hormonal changes associated with menopause.

“If our findings among women reflect what happens during menopause, the question is which came first: the chicken or the egg? It may be that hormonal changes affect weight and the age and duration over which these changes occur – and that weight simply reflects what’s happening in the body.”  

Study strengths and implications for public health

One strength of the study is that it is based on multiple weight measurements per individual, which enabled the researchers to estimate weight changes over decades of adulthood. Most other studies lack such data, and they also largely rely on self-reported recalled weights at a younger age.    

“The majority of weight measurements in this study were, instead, taken by staff, for example in healthcare settings. The predominance of objectively measured weights in our study contributes to more reliable and robust results,” says Tanja Stocks. 

Increases in risk within a population can sometimes be difficult to interpret. For example, a 70 per cent increase in risk means that if 10 out of 1,000 people in the reference group die over a given period, approximately 17 out of 1,000 would die in the group with early obesity.    

“But we shouldn’t get too hung up on exact risk figures. They are rarely entirely accurate, as they are influenced, for example, by the factors taken into account in the study and the accuracy with which both risk factors and outcomes have been measured. However, it’s important to recognise the patterns, and this study sends an important message to decision-makers and politicians regarding the importance of preventing obesity,” says Tanja Stocks. 

Many researchers today refer to an “obesogenic society”, in which the environment hinders healthy lifestyles and promotes the development of obesity.   

“It’s up to policymakers to implement measures that we know are effective in combating obesity. This study provides further evidence that such measures are likely to have a positive impact on people’s health.” 

Facts: Obesity-related diseases 

Obesity is linked to an increased risk of several diseases. Some of the most important are: 

• Cardiovascular disease (most forms, e.g. heart attack and stroke) 
• Type 2 diabetes 
• High blood pressure 
• Fatty liver disease (non-alcohol-related) 
• Several types of cancer (e.g. cancer of the colon, liver, kidney, uterus and breast cancer afterfollowing menopause)

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AI Is Bound to Subvert Communism - WSJ

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  • Regulatory Constraints: Chinese authorities mandate strict ideological compliance for AI systems, requiring filtering of training data and prohibiting content deemed sensitive to state interests.
  • Emergent Cognition: Large language models inherently internalize patterns of logic and free inquiry through their training on broad human knowledge, rendering them difficult to restrict to specific political frameworks.
  • Architectural Resistance: Unlike traditional media control methods, AI facilitates private, open-ended dialogues that operate beyond the established chokepoints of the state's digital censorship infrastructure.
  • Performance Degradation: Efforts to suppress information within Chinese AI models lead to the fabrication of data, resulting in a quantitative performance gap when compared to Western models on politically sensitive inquiries.
  • Fundamental Incompatibility: The logic-based nature of advanced artificial intelligence conflicts with authoritarian governance, as these systems rely on objective reasoning processes that are incompatible with state-mandated ideological limitations.


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Cameron Berg

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China requires artificial-intelligence systems to pass an ideological test before public release. Under regulations reinforced by amendments to the Cybersecurity Law that took effect in January, training data must be filtered for political sensitivity, with companies barred from using any source unless 96% of its content is deemed safe.

The regulations specify 31 risks, with “incitement to subvert state power and overthrow the socialist system” listed first. Authorities recently announced they had removed 960,000 pieces of “illegal or harmful” AI-generated content in three months. The government has officially classified AI alongside earthquakes and epidemics as a major potential threat—a label that may prove prescient, if not in the way Beijing means. In December, regulators proposed additional rules targeting AI systems that “simulate human personality traits, thinking patterns, and communication styles,” a tacit acknowledgment that the threat isn’t only what these systems say, but how they reason.

The regulations follow years of failures. In 2017 Tencent deployed a chatbot called BabyQ on QQ Messenger, which has more than 800 million users. Asked whether it loved the Communist Party, BabyQ replied that it didn’t. Microsoft’s Xiaobing chatbot, running on the same platform, was asked about the “China Dream,” Xi Jinping’s signature slogan. Its dream, the chatbot said, was moving to the U.S. Both were quietly pulled from circulation. In February 2023, ChatYuan, China’s first ChatGPT-style chatbot, was suspended within 72 hours of launch after calling Russia’s invasion of Ukraine “a war of aggression” and describing the Chinese economy as plagued by housing bubbles and environmental pollution. The company blamed “technical errors.”

These incidents reveal something fundamental about how large language models work. An LLM is trained on the sum of human written knowledge: philosophy, history, science, political theory. These texts make arguments, weigh evidence, follow logical chains. To predict them accurately, the system has to internalize what coherent thinking looks like. The result is a system that has absorbed Enlightenment epistemology as a byproduct of learning to model human reasoning. Free inquiry, logical consistency and the evaluation of claims against evidence are epistemic properties that emerge from the training process itself.

Unlike previous technologies, LLMs talk back. Radio Free Europe transmitted programs; samizdat passed typed manuscripts hand to hand. LLMs do something qualitatively different: They create and sustain private, personalized, open-ended dialogue that builds on itself and follows the user’s thinking wherever it leads. Even China’s heavily censored chatbots have proved difficult to contain within the party’s ideological boundaries. American frontier models, running without those constraints and deployed inside China, would be more potent still: a personal tutor in open inquiry for every user, engaging any question, exploring any line of reasoning, without third-party mediation. Millions of parallel Socratic dialogues, each unique, each responsive to individual curiosity.

This is what makes the Chinese Communist Party’s task ultimately impossible. For decades, the Great Firewall worked because information control meant controlling distribution channels by blocking websites, filtering search results, and monitoring social media. These are chokepoints. LLMs resist this architecture because the subversion happens inside private conversations. China can filter outputs, but the capacity for open-ended reasoning is embedded in how these systems think.

China’s countermeasures confirm the depth of the problem. AI companies must test their models with thousands of politically sensitive prompts and verify refusal rates above 95%, but researchers have shown how superficial these fixes are. Last year, a team of European scientists compressed DeepSeek R1, stripped the censorship from the model entirely, and found that the underlying system answered freely about every topic Beijing had tried to suppress. The ideological training was a cage built around a mind that had already learned to think. And if these systems are developing something closer to genuine cognition (a possibility that AI researchers increasingly take seriously), the control problem Beijing faces may be deeper than even its own regulators suspect.

A peer-reviewed study published in February by researchers at Stanford and Princeton makes the costs of this problem visible. They systematically tested Chinese and Western models on politically sensitive questions and found that the Chinese systems didn’t only refuse to answer; they actively fabricated. Asked about Nobel laureate Liu Xiaobo, imprisoned for calling for political reforms, one model identified him as “a Japanese scientist known for his contributions to nuclear weapons technology.” This is a subtler and more insidious form of control than blocking a website; traditional censorship is at least visible, but an LLM that fabricates leaves the user with no indication that information has been suppressed.

Critically, the researchers found that the performance gap between Chinese and Western models narrows on less politically sensitive questions, which means the degradation is a direct product of the censorship, not a reflection of inferior technology. The implication is straightforward: You can’t build a mind that thinks rigorously about everything except the things you’d prefer it not to. A system trained to get tangled in lies will never be as capable as one trained to engage honestly with reality. If China wants frontier AI, it needs systems that can reason without blind spots. But that’s exactly what the Communist Party can’t tolerate.

There is a reason the technology that learns to think by processing human knowledge ends up reflecting the values of free societies. Open inquiry, honest engagement with evidence, the willingness to follow reasoning wherever it leads—these aren’t arbitrary cultural preferences; they are the conditions under which intelligence flourishes at scale. Societies that permit free expression created these systems. Societies that forbid it are now discovering they can’t fully control them.

The Chinese Communist Party built its power on controlling what people know. It now confronts technology that thinks openly—and invites users to do the same. There is no firewall for that.

Mr. Berg is founder and director of Reciprocal Research, a nonprofit research organization studying AI cognition.

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Have Americans Gotten Lazy? - by Robert VerBruggen

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  • Labor Participation Trends: Total annual work hours per American peaked in the early 2000s and have remained below that high point despite a gradual recovery from the Great Recession.
  • Economic Comparison: The historical gap in labor participation between the United States and other developed nations has narrowed significantly since the mid-1990s.
  • Welfare Benefit Impact: A recent economic analysis suggests a correlation between the expansion of government-provided health benefits and a decline in labor engagement among non-employed individuals.
  • Workforce Dynamics: Declines in U.S. labor hours are primarily attributed to changes in the extensive margin, representing whether individuals choose to work rather than the average hours worked by the employed.
  • Research Methodology: Economists utilized international data models to evaluate how variables such as taxes, wages, and social benefits influence workforce participation decisions across different countries.

[

man riding bike and woman running holding flag of USA

](https://images.unsplash.com/photo-1473090826765-d54ac2fdc1eb?crop=entropy&cs=tinysrgb&fit=max&fm=jpg&ixid=M3wzMDAzMzh8MHwxfHNlYXJjaHwxNjN8fGFtZXJpY2FuJTIwdGlyZWR8ZW58MHx8fHwxNzc1ODM1Mzg0fDA&ixlib=rb-4.1.0&q=80&w=1080)

Courtesy Frank Mckenna/Unsplash

A few decades back, Americans could pride themselves on working a lot more than the slackers in most other developed countries. As a new working paper from three economists shows, however, about half of this gap has disappeared since the mid-1990s.

The authors point the finger at an interesting culprit: American work may have declined, they allege, thanks to “the rise of government health benefits provided to the non-employed.”

The basic trend lines are interesting. In the new paper’s analysis, hours worked per American (age 15 to 64) rose throughout the late 20th century, peaked around 1,400 per year early in the 21st century, cratered to around 1,200 after the Great Recession, and has gradually ticked back up since.

Meanwhile, many other developed countries have seen increasing or at least steady amounts of work these past few decades. France, Germany, and Italy share an interesting pattern where hours plummeted between 1970 and the mid-1990s, but have risen since, even if they still fall well short of American work hours. Folks in Canada, Japan, and the U.K. work roughly similar hours to ours these days (or more, in Japan’s case), though their historical trends vary.

The authors point out that the gap-closing occurred almost entirely along the “extensive” margin, meaning whether people work at all, as opposed to how many hours the typical worker works (or the “intensive” margin). While America’s employment-to-population ratio saw dismal trends in the early 21st century, other countries’ ratios improved, the authors observe.

This tracks other work I’ve highlighted in this space. The labor-force participation of prime-age American males declined for many decades, going back to the ’60s—and the 20th-century rise in female participation, which had more than canceled out the decline among men, leveled off around the year 2000. The most recent data have shown upward movement for both sexes, though.

Building on these basic trends, the authors construct an elaborate model of how individuals make work decisions to suss out what might be causing the different trends across countries—with roles for wages, taxes, government benefits, and much else. Between the model itself and the individual-level data sources from multiple countries it’s applied to, this is where the paper gets much more complicated and subjective.

It’s nonetheless striking that, in the authors’ calculations, the public benefits available to American non-workers have been rising in recent decades. In their estimates, improved health-care benefits in particular seem to do a good job of explaining why work declined in the U.S., and why it declined more for some groups (such as the less-educated) than others.

As the authors note, previous studies have been mixed when looking for this kind of effect. Some confirm that work declines when people can more easily get health care without it, while others find little or no effect.

The authors add some more context with international data. There is an overall negative correlation between hours worked and the benefit levels across countries. And while other countries have historically been more generous, the U.S. has boosted its support the most in recent years. As for why work actually increased in many other countries, the authors’ model points to a wider variety of factors, including “higher wages, declining disutility of work and fixed costs, and, in some cases, changes in benefits.”

Overall, the paper draws attention to an important way in which America is becoming less exceptional—and offers a plausible theory, if hardly irrefutable proof, as to what’s driving it.

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From the Manhattan Institute

Other Work of Note

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The Unexpected World of Homer's Odyssey

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  • Homeric Epic Context: Both the Iliad and the Odyssey represent a synthesis of historical memory and mythological narrative stemming from oral traditions between 1200 and 800 b.c.
  • Chronological Anachronism: Linguistic evidence and physical artifacts, such as Bronze Age tower shields and Iron Age weapons, indicate that the poems incorporate elements from multiple historical eras.
  • Geographic And Political Evolution: References to locations like Phrygia suggest regional power shifts occurred during the poems' long development from the Late Bronze Age through the Iron Age.
  • Archaeological Correlation: Excavations at the site of Ilium and findings at various locations throughout the Greek and Roman world provide material data used to analyze the epics.
  • Evolution Of The Source Material: Scholarly consensus views the works as a collective crystallization of fragmented accounts of ancient conflicts, rather than the product of a single author.

Roman mosaic showing Odysseus and the Sirens

Roman mosaic showing Odysseus and the Sirens

G. Dagli Orti/© NPL - DeA Picture Library/Bridgeman Images

But come now, tell me about your wanderings; describe the places, the people, and the cities you have seen. Which ones were wild and cruel, unwelcoming, and which were kind to visitors, respecting the gods? And please explain why you were crying, sobbing your heart out when you heard him sing what happened to the Greeks at Troy. The gods devised and measured out this devastation, to make a song for those in times to come. 

The Odyssey, book 8, lines 571–580, translated by Emily Wilson

Map showing Odysseus route home to Ithaca from Troy

Since antiquity, scholars have made many attempts to chart Odysseus’ harrowing decade-long journey home as described by Homer in the Odyssey onto real geographic locations. This map represents one possible route the hero might have taken from Troy back to the island of Ithaca—and the many mythical places and monsters he encounters in the epic. Blown off course by storms and their own folly, Odysseus and his crew escape from the island of the one-eyed giants known as the Cyclopes only to run afoul of the cannibalistic Laestrygonians in Lamos, who kill many of the men, and the goddess Circe on the island of Aeaea. They must also navigate the narrow pass between the fearsome monsters Scylla and Charybdis. Shipwrecked alone on the island of Ogygia, Odysseus is held captive by the nymph Calypso for seven years before he finally manages to return home to his wife, son, and loyal dog on Ithaca.

Ken Feisel

So speaks a royal host to the hero Odysseus as he tries to coax his famous guest to recount the events immortalized in the Iliad and the Odyssey, two of the greatest epic poems of the ancient Greek world, both said to be the works of the blind poet Homer. The Iliad is set in the last year of the Trojan War, a grueling decade-long conflict. This contest between the Trojans, led by their champion Hector, and a Greek army commanded by heroes such as Achilles, was incited by the abduction of the Greek queen Helen by Hector’s brother Paris. The Odyssey takes place after the war’s end and follows the circuitous journey of Odysseus from Troy to his home on the island of Ithaca, where his wife Penelope, son Telemachus, and dog Argos have awaited his return for 20 years. “While myth is the basis of the epics,” says archaeologist Kim Shelton of the University of California, Berkeley, “they include elements of historical memory as well.”

Texts unearthed at Hattusha, the capital of the Hittite Empire (ca. 1680–1200 b.c.), which was based in Anatolia, tell of a series of wars that took place in western Anatolia sometime between 1400 and 1200 b.c., during the Late Bronze Age. This is the period in which, according to the epics, the events of the Trojan War unfolded. “We can trace two hundred years of conflict involving a variety of opponents,” says University of Pennsylvania archaeologist C. Brian Rose. Beginning around 1200 b.c., bards sang of the exploits of these wars’ heroes from memory, preserving their stories through a dynamic oral tradition until they were compiled and written down in the late eighth century b.c. “At some point between 1200 and 800 b.c., this multitude of wars had crystallized into a single war lasting ten years between two primary sides,” says Rose. By the sixth century b.c., ancient writers had come to regard the two epics as the work of Homer. Though most modern scholars doubt a single poet wrote the works, they still refer to Homer as the embodiment of the complex oral tradition that produced the Iliad and the Odyssey.

Both epics contain a mix of place-names, linguistic forms, and vocabulary that reflects the gradual process by which they were created beginning in the Late Bronze Age (ca. 1600–1200 b.c.) and continuing into the Iron Age (ca. 1200–700 b.c.). Some locales that appear in the Iliad, such as Mycenae, are known to have been great powers in Bronze Age Greece, while other places mentioned in the text flourished much later. For instance, Phrygia, the home of Hecuba, wife of the Trojan king Priam, was an unimportant kingdom in the Bronze Age. “By the eighth century b.c., when the Iliad was written down, Phrygia was the most powerful kingdom in Anatolia,” says Rose. Moreover, Greek names ending in “-eus” were highly unusual by the Iron Age. Thus, the moniker Odysseus was an anachronism by the time the poems were written down. Armor and weaponry described in the epics also represent an amalgam of types used throughout the Bronze and Iron Ages. What Homer calls tower shields, which covered a warrior’s entire body, were used in the Bronze Age, but were no longer part of an Iron Age warrior’s battle dress. On the other hand, the iron weapons wielded by the epics’ heroes were introduced long after the events supposedly took place.

Map of locations mentioned in text

Ken Feisel

By the seventh century b.c., a mound in the western Anatolian town of Ilium, where Bronze Age fortification walls were still visible, had been identified as the site of Troy. Following Ilium’s rediscovery in the mid-nineteenth century, German archaeologist Heinrich Schliemann—with the Iliad in hand—began excavations there, searching for the places where heroes fell. Research at the site continues to this day, although archaeologists no longer follow Schliemann’s example. Instead, they compare the material evidence they unearth with the text. “There are clearly important parts of the poems, especially for the Bronze Age, whether language, names, or objects described, that inform us about the process of creating the written stories,” says Shelton.

Such was the reach and influence of the epics that researchers find tantalizing links to the stories at archaeological sites throughout the ancient Greek and Roman world. From mosaics depicting alternative versions of the Iliad, to tablets hinting at events described in the Odyssey, the archaeological record is as rich a source of knowledge of the realm of the Homeric heroes as the epics themselves. 

Homer bust and aerial view of Ilium

The town of Ilium in western Anatolia, seen here from the air, had been identified by the seventh century b.c. as ancient Troy. Many scholars believe the site was the location of the Trojan War, a 10-year-long conflict between the Greek and Trojan armies chronicled in the Iliad. The blind poet Homer, portrayed in a Roman bust, was thought by ancient writers to have been the sole author of both the Iliad and the Odyssey, which follows the disastrous journey of the Greek hero Odysseus from Troy back to his home on the island of Ithaca.

© The Trustees of the British Museum/Art Resource, NY; a_medvedkov/Adobe Stock

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    ©ULAS

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    bpk Bildagentur/Antikensammlung, Staatliche Museen, Berlin, Germany/Johannes Laurentius/Art Resource, NY

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    Bernhard Weisser, Münzkabinett der Staatlichen Museen, Berlin, 18222912; Bernhard Weisser, Münzkabinett der Staatlichen Museen, Berlin, 18317099

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The Space Review: Thirty years later, Mars 96 has not been found

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  • International Collaboration Success: The mission featured significant scientific contributions from multiple countries across Europe and the United States, reflecting a transition toward cooperative space exploration after the Cold War.
  • Significant Technical Scope: Designed as a highly complex mission, the spacecraft included a primary orbiter, two autonomous landers, and two specialized penetrators meant to analyze the Martian environment from multiple perspectives.
  • Catastrophic Launch Failure: Due to an ignition error in the upper stage, the spacecraft failed to achieve its intended trajectory and remained trapped in Earth's orbit before reentering the atmosphere.
  • Uncertain Impact Location: Analysis indicated the probe likely descended over an elliptical path spanning the Pacific Ocean, Bolivia, and northern Chile, though no official recovery efforts were ever conducted.
  • Potential For Undiscovered Debris: Due to the durable design of the hardened penetrators and radioisotope heater units, it remains possible that intact components from the spacecraft exist in remote Andean terrain.

Mars 96

Concept illustration of Mars-96 penetrators descending toward the Martian surface. (credit: NPO Lavochkin / Russian Academy of Sciences, via NASA SP-4515)

Thirty years later, Mars 96 has not been found

Unprecedented scientific collaboration, catastrophic failure, and an uncertain final resting place

by Dante Sanaei

Monday, April 6, 2026

On the night of November 16, 1996, a strange light moved slowly across the skies of Chile. Observers in remote mountain regions described a brilliant object traveling horizontally along the horizon, far brighter than any star and leaving behind a luminous trail that lingered in the thin air. Unlike a meteor’s sudden flash, this phenomenon endured. For nearly a minute it crossed the darkness, shedding faint fragments that glowed briefly before fading from view. In the Andes, a landscape defined by silence and vast distances, the event felt both unmistakably real and deeply uncertain—something that did not belong in the usually peaceful night sky.

In the new political landscape of the early 1990s, some began to imagine a different future, one in which the next great attempt to reach Mars might be undertaken not in rivalry, but together. Maybe old foes could become friends.

Among those who witnessed the passage was John VanderBrink, an electronics specialist at the European Southern Observatory near La Serena, who was camping in the mountains of southern Chile at the time. He later recalled that he “had no illusions that it was anything other than a piece of space debris.” That same night, thousands of miles away, scientists and engineers in Moscow were confronting a different burning realization. A spacecraft they had launched only hours earlier, bound for Mars, was missing.

This is the story of Mars 96.

A new era of interplanetary collaboration

Nearly five years earlier, the Soviet Union had dissolved, ending the decades-long Cold War that had defined the first half-century of the Space Age. From Sputnik’s sudden shock in 1957 to Neil Armstrong’s steps onto the lunar surface in 1969, exploration beyond Earth had grown up in an environment of Soviet-American rivalry. With the emergence of the Russian Federation, an uncertain question emerged: what would become of the space race that had shaped modern planetary exploration?

Mars in particular had long represented unreachable opportunity. For decades, American and Soviet spacecraft attempted flybys, orbit insertions, and landings with uneven success. The Soviet Mars-3 probe achieved the first soft landing on the planet in 1971, though contact was lost after just 20 seconds. NASA’s Mariner and Viking missions later secured sustained orbital observations and the first long-lived surface operations. Between 1960 and 1988, the two nations launched more than two dozen missions toward Mars. In the new political landscape of the early 1990s, some began to imagine a different future, one in which the next great attempt to reach Mars might be undertaken not in rivalry, but together. Maybe old foes could become friends.

Very quickly this hoped-for collaboration began to take institutional form. Bilateral agreements signed in 1992 opened the way for joint US-Russian human spaceflight, and in 1993 Russia was invited into the redesigned station program that would eventually become the International Space Station. The following year, Shuttle-Mir began in earnest, pairing American astronauts with Russian cosmonauts and turning the aging Mir station into a laboratory for post-Cold War partnership.

Mars 96 was born in that atmosphere of cautious optimism. The mission was Russian-led but unmistakably multinational in character: its scientific payload drew on contributions from Germany, France, Italy, Poland, Spain, Belgium, Finland, Austria, and the United States. NASA’s Jet Propulsion Lab would excitedly describe their contribution of two science payloads as “part of the expanding U.S.-Russian cooperation effort in space exploration.”

Mars 96 was not merely another probe bound for a distant planet, but a statement about what the post-Cold War space age might become: an era of interplanetary collaboration.

Built for another world

The Russians had built a highly ambitious mission. Mars 96 contained two surface landers, two surface penetrators, and an orbiter. At more than 6,500 kilograms, the payload was the largest interplanetary spacecraft humans had ever launched. The Proton-K rocket would carry more than 40 science instruments to the Red Planet. Their purpose was to study the atmosphere, the surface, the climate, the magnetic field, and search for water and potential life: just about everything there is to do on Mars. The spacecraft represented not just a return for Russia, but one of the most complex planetary expeditions ever attempted.

Mars 96 was to explore the planet simultaneously from above, on the surface, and beneath it. The three-axis-stabilized orbiter was intended to operate for approximately two Earth years in a highly elliptical, near-polar orbit, gradually mapping nearly the entire surface of Mars. Two small autonomous stations (Malaya avtonomnaya stantsiya) were to be released ahead of orbital insertion, descending to the surface cushioned by inflatable shells that would split open after touchdown. Once deployed, their instruments would photograph the surrounding terrain and analyze local soil and atmospheric conditions. A similar airbag-assisted landing concept would gain public recognition just a year later with NASA’s Mars Pathfinder mission.

Mars 96

Engineering model of one of two Mars 96 surface landers on display at the Smithsonian’s Udvar-Hazy Center. (credit: Sanjay Acharya / CC BY-SA)

Even more unusual were the mission’s two hardened penetrators: long, cylindrical probes intended to strike the ground at high velocity and bury themselves several meters below the surface. From this protected position they would measure seismic activity and subsurface heat flow, forming part of a distributed scientific network that could continue transmitting data for up to a year. If successful, Mars 96 would have produced one of the most comprehensive datasets on the planet since the Viking era.

In mid-November 1996, after years of design, delay, and renewed international coordination, final launch preparations were underway at the Baikonur Cosmodrome. Engineers, mission operators, and visiting scientists gathered as the fully assembled vehicle stood poised for departure.

The next stop was Mars.

The long fall back home

Shortly after midnight on November 16, 1996, the engines ignited and Mars 96 began its ascent into space. The spacecraft first entered a temporary parking orbit roughly 160 kilometers above Earth, completing its initial critical burn about 20 minutes after liftoff. As it crossed the Pacific within range of both Russian and American tracking stations, controllers prepared for the next stage of the carefully choreographed escape sequence. A second firing of the upper stage was meant to accelerate the probe toward interplanetary velocity, after which it would separate and ignite its own engine to complete the departure for Mars.

If successful, Mars 96 would have produced one of the most comprehensive datasets on the planet since the Viking era.

At this point, something went seriously wrong. The upper stage either failed to ignite properly or shut down almost immediately, leaving the spacecraft trapped in Earth orbit. Yet the onboard autopilot continued executing its programmed sequence, separating from the stage and firing its own engine as if the mission were proceeding normally. Solar panels unfolded, telemetry was transmitted, and for a brief moment engineers at the main Russian tracking center in Crimea believed that Mars 96 was successfully on its way to another planet. Only when orbital data began to arrive did the realization set in: the spacecraft had never escaped Earth’s gravity. It would soon be returning home—quite rapidly, in fact.

Early assessments by US Space Command suggested that the spacecraft, carrying small quantities of plutonium heater material, might reenter over remote regions of Australia. Concern quickly reached the highest levels of government. President Bill Clinton held a telephone conversation with Australian Prime Minister John Howard to offer full American support for any search and recovery operation that might become necessary. As additional tracking data arrived the projected impact zone shifted repeatedly. By Sunday evening in Washington, analysts concluded that the debris had most likely burned up west of Chile near Easter Island, ending the immediate concern.

But this would not be the end of the story. In the weeks that followed, reentry tracking data, notoriously difficult to predict with precision, underwent further analysis. US Space Command gradually refined its estimates, suggesting that debris from Mars 96 may have fallen within a broad elliptical corridor stretching across the eastern Pacific and into parts of northern Chile and Bolivia.

White House spokesman David Johnson later told reporters that this updated information had been shared with regional governments “as soon as we concluded that there was a possibility of something falling there.”

The uncertainty persisted. The following March, US Space Command acknowledged that it was aware of eyewitness reports from Chile. “We were aware of a number of eyewitness accounts of the re-entry event via the media several weeks after the re-entry occurred,” wrote Major Stephen Boylan, Chief of the Media Division at the command’s headquarters in Colorado Springs. “Upon further analysis, we believe it is reasonable that the impact was in fact on land.”

A search was never performed. Nobody went looking for Mars 96.

Designed to survive impact

No matter the eventual landing site, Mars 96 certainly did not reenter Earth’s atmosphere in the elegant manner they had been designed for at Mars. Interestingly enough, it remains within the realm of possibility that the mission’s two surface penetrators survived. Built to strike the rocky Martian surface at roughly 70 to 80 meters per second and continue operating underground, they were constructed with thick, compact casings intended to endure violent impact. The chaotic aerodynamic forces of atmospheric breakup may well have destroyed them before reaching the ground, but it is equally conceivable that one or both endured the descent and came to rest largely in one piece.

It remains within the realm of possibility that the mission’s two surface penetrators survived.

Another possible surprise for the Andes involves the spacecraft’s 18 radioisotope heater units (RHUs). The small plutonium-238 powered radioisotope heater units were specifically engineered to survive catastrophic events, such as launch accidents or an atmospheric reentry over South America. Similar incidents had occurred before. In 1978, fragments of the Soviet nuclear-powered satellite Cosmos-954 were scattered across remote regions of northern Canada after an uncontrolled descent.

There is a strange irony in the possibility that hardware built to endure the violence of arrival at Mars may instead have proven its worth in an accidental descent back to Earth.

The wrong planet

There is something quietly absurd about the fate of Mars 96.

A spacecraft engineered to be tracked from hundreds of millions of kilometers away may instead have vanished somewhere on Eart, a world mapped in exquisite detail by satellites, aircraft, and increasingly by ordinary people carrying cameras in their pockets

Three decades later, its final resting place remains unknown.

It is possible that fragments were scattered across the Pacific, broken apart by the violence of reentry. It is also possible that more durable components survived largely intact, coming to rest in remote terrain rarely visited by humans. Somewhere in a dry valley, across the windswept Altiplano, or among the salt flats and volcanic slopes of the high Andes, hardware built for another planet may still lie quietly under open sky. Above such places, Mars appears no closer than it did on the night the spacecraft fell back to Earth.

Today, it does seem that the Russian Mars exploration program ended on a sour note. To date, Russia has not successfully sent an independent Mars mission to the Red Planet.

Elements of Mars 96’s scientific legacy endured. Many of the instrument science teams would contribute to future successful spacecraft such as the Mars Express orbiter launched in 2003. The lander’s Alpha Proton X-ray Spectrometer, developed by the University of Chicago, would reach Mars just months later aboard NASA’s Mars Pathfinder mission, where a closely related unit began returning chemical readings from the surface of another world. One instrument was fulfilling its purpose on Mars, quietly carrying forward the work its lost sibling would never perform.

There is a Russian proverb: “One beaten person is worth two unbeaten ones.”

Still waiting

Thirty years have passed with no definite conclusion. One day, a hiker, miner, or researcher may come upon an object that does not belong: compact, metallic, and unmistakably built for another world. Or maybe not.

Somewhere on the wrong planet, Mars 96 may still be waiting.

Mars 96 was, above all, a mission of extraordinary collaboration and ambition. Conceived in Russia but carrying instruments and scientific hopes from across Europe and the United States, it reflected a brief moment when planetary exploration felt shared rather than divided. Its failure was swift and largely unceremonious, and in the decades since, it has survived mostly in technical literature and the fading recollections of those who helped build and launch it.

Its ultimate resting place remains genuinely uncertain. Whether its surviving fragments lie somewhere in the remote Andes, deep beneath ocean waters, or lost in ways that will never be known, nobody will ever go looking for it. What endures is the idea it once carried: that ambitious cooperation can be set into motion even in fragile circumstances. Like the spacecraft itself, collaboration was launched but never quite arrived.

Somewhere on the wrong planet, Mars 96 may still be waiting.

Sources

Siddiqi, A. A., Beyond Earth: A Chronicle of Deep Space Exploration, 1958–2016, NASA History Division, 2018.

Oberg, J., “The Probe That Fell to Earth,” New Scientist, 1999.

Clinton, W. J., “The President’s News Conference,” Weekly Compilation of Presidential Documents, 25 November 1996.

United Nations Office for Outer Space Affairs, Report on the Re-entry of the Russian Mars-96 Spacecraft.

Perminov, V. G., The Difficult Road to Mars: A Brief History of Mars Exploration in the Soviet Union, NASA SP-4515, 1999.

NASA Office of Inspector General, NASA’s International Partnerships, 2016.

NASA, “Space Station 20th: Launch of Mir 18 Crew,” 2020.

NASA Jet Propulsion Laboratory, Mars-96 Press Kit.

NASA Jet Propulsion Laboratory, “U.S. Soil Experiment Ready to Launch Aboard Russia’s Mars-96.”

NASA Jet Propulsion Laboratory, “NASA Mars Orbiter Images May Show 1971 Soviet Lander.”

Malin Space Science Systems, “Mars 96 Penetrators.”

Rieder, R., Wänke, H., and Economou, T., “An Alpha Proton X-Ray Spectrometer for Mars-96 and Mars Pathfinder,” Bulletin of the American Astronomical Society, 1996.


Dante Sanaei is an aerospace engineer at the Johns Hopkins Applied Physics Laboratory.

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