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AI Threatens a Wall Street Cash Cow: Financial and Legal Data - WSJ

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  • MARKET_VOLATILITY: Significant stock price declines occurred for financial data providers like S&P Global, MSCI, and London Stock Exchange Group following new AI product announcements.
  • ANTHROPIC_INNOVATION: The introduction of a legal plug-in and coding tools for the Claude-powered Cowork assistant triggered concerns over automated professional services.
  • SECTOR_DISRUPTION: Traditional business models relying on proprietary financial data sales are facing increased competition from generative AI capabilities.
  • GLOBAL_IMPACT: The selloff extended beyond Western firms to affect major international outsourcing and consulting companies such as Infosys and Tata Consultancy Services.
  • INVESTOR_SENTIMENT: A broader downturn in the software sector has intensified as capital managers like Apollo Asset Management increasingly avoid the industry due to AI risks.
  • DATA_DEFENSE: Executives from established data firms maintain that proprietary, real-time information feeds remain essential and cannot be fully replicated by AI models.
  • CONTRARIAN_PERSPECTIVE: Nvidia CEO Jensen Huang characterized the belief that AI will entirely replace existing software infrastructure as illogical and unlikely.
  • CAPITAL_EROSION: Expanding artificial intelligence capabilities contributed to a market value loss of approximately $300 billion across the software and data sectors in a single week.

By

Alexander Osipovich

and

Ben Dummett

Feb. 4, 2026 8:14 am ET

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Interviewed by WSJ Editor in Chief Emma Tucker at the World Economic Forum in January, Anthropic’s Dario Amodei discussed topics including the fields most at risk of AI-driven employment disruption, and the state of safety in AI development. Photo: Maurizio Martorana for WSJ

For years it seemed like a surefire business model: amass vast troves of financial data and sell it to Wall Street for a premium. Then Claude came along.

Shares of companies such as S&P Global, MSCI, Intercontinental Exchange, London Stock Exchange Group LSEG -1.98%decrease; red down pointing triangle and FactSet Research Systems FDS -3.42%decrease; red down pointing triangle all tumbled this week after fast-growing artificial-intelligence startup Anthropic unveiled a new suite of tools for automating legal tasks.

The new legal plug-in for Anthropic’s Cowork assistant, powered by its AI model Claude, didn’t seem to have much to do with financial data. Nonetheless, LSEG—which has spent years pivoting away from its traditional stock-exchange business to selling data and analytics—slid 13% on Tuesday, and its shares dropped further Wednesday morning.

S&P Global and FactSet were also hit with double-digit losses on Tuesday, while ICE and MSCI both fell more than 5%.

The losses highlighted the expanding threat of AI-driven disruption for financial services and the white-collar professionals who work in the sector.

In recent months, the sophistication of a new Claude-based tool for writing code rattled software engineers and raised concern about its impact on the broader tech industry. Anthropic’s rollout of new legal tools added to similar fears for lawyers and hit the stock of companies that run legal-research databases, such as Thomson Reuters.

The selloff rippled out into a swath of other companies, as investors assessed which businesses are next in line for disruption by AI.

“The market has cast a very broad net as to which companies can be exposed to AI risk,” said UBS analyst Michael Werner. “You don’t have to be in the crosshairs of this particular AI risk. You can be in the periphery.”

The rout has expanded to other corners of the software industry, such as outsourcing, where AI tools could reduce the need for human consultants. In India, shares of Infosys and Tata Consultancy Services both fell around 7% on Wednesday.

The drop this week isn’t completely out of the blue. Investors had been souring on the software sector since late last year, months before this week’s action. The price of the iShares Expanded Tech-Software Exchange-Traded Fund peaked in September and had slumped by nearly one-quarter before Tuesday.

“Is software dead” is the biggest question that investors should be asking themselves about the fallout from AI, Apollo Asset Management co-president John Zito said at a conference last fall. Apollo has largely been avoiding the software sector for months. 

Not everyone thinks the selloff makes sense.

Nvidia Chief Executive Jensen Huang said late Tuesday at an event hosted by Cisco that it makes sense for AI to use existing tools to accomplish tasks, rather than reinventing them. “Would you use a hammer or invent a new hammer?” he asked.

“There’s a whole bunch of software companies whose stock prices are under a lot of pressure because somehow AI is going to replace them,” Huang said. “It is the most illogical thing in the world.”

Financial-data providers might seem like an unlikely target for AI-driven disruption, since many of the biggest ones derive their value from proprietary access to data and information feeds used by bankers and traders.

That had seemed like an impregnable advantage for S&P Global. Besides its well-known credit-ratings business, the New York-based company makes money by selling data products ranging from stock-market indexes to oil-price feeds to insurance-industry analytics.

Its share price soared more than fivefold in the decade ending in 2025, outpacing its own S&P 500 index, which roughly tripled over the same period. So far this year S&P Global is down around 10%, including Tuesday’s losses.

Lucrative opportunities in data attracted exchange operators, which saw subscription-based services as a way to earn stable recurring revenues. 

LSEG pursued a costly acquisition of Refinitiv Holdings in an effort to challenge data-terminal powerhouse Bloomberg. Intercontinental Exchange grew its data business in areas such as bonds, mortgages and even trading signals based on the chatter in Reddit forums.

Spokespeople for LSEG, ICE and S&P Global declined to comment. FactSet and MSCI didn’t immediately respond to requests for comment.

Such companies have argued that, if anything, AI would increase the value of their services, making it easier to extract business insights and trading opportunities from the raw material of their data. Companies with proprietary data feeds say even AI tools must use the underlying information they provide to track the markets.

“AI cannot replicate or replace our real-time data,” LSEG Chief Executive David Schwimmer said in October.

Write to Alexander Osipovich at alexo@wsj.com and Ben Dummett at ben.dummett@wsj.com

Corrections & Amplifications
Tata Consultancy Services was misspelled as Tata Consulting Services in an earlier version of this article. (Corrected on Feb. 4)


Watch: WSJ Interviews Anthropic’s CEO in Davos

A man works intently at the New York Stock Exchange.

Fears about new developments in artificial intelligence swept through the stock market on Tuesday. Richard Drew/AP

Copyright ©2026 Dow Jones & Company, Inc. All Rights Reserved. 87990cbe856818d5eddac44c7b1cdeb8


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From Greenland to Mauritius, ‘Decolonization’ Is Over | Compact

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  • Geopolitical Intervention: Donald Trump has characterized the British plan to cede the Chagos Islands to Mauritius as a strategic error, citing concerns over the security of the joint US-UK military base on Diego Garcia.
  • Territorial Dispute: Britain maintained control of the Chagos Archipelago after Mauritius gained independence in 1968, leading to a long-standing sovereignty claim supported by a non-binding 2019 International Court of Justice ruling.
  • Diplomatic Agreement: Prime Minister Keir Starmer has negotiated a settlement to transfer sovereignty to Mauritius while securing a long-term lease for the Diego Garcia military base at an annual cost of $137 million.
  • Post-War Decolonization: The historical transition of territories like Greenland and Mauritius was shaped by United Nations mandates for self-determination through independence, free association, or full incorporation into existing states.
  • Ideological Drivers: Contemporary efforts to relinquish overseas territories are frequently motivated by a sense of Western imperial guilt and a desire to rectify perceived historical injustices.
  • Population Displacement: The original Chagossian inhabitants were forcibly removed to facilitate the military base's construction, yet many now oppose Mauritian rule, preferring British jurisdiction or independent return.
  • Economic Dependence: Territories currently undergoing "decolonization" debates, such as Greenland, remain significantly reliant on financial support and administrative structures provided by their current governing nations.
  • Strategic Risks: Prioritizing moral posturing over national interest in territorial negotiations may undermine security domestic sovereignty and fail to address the actual preferences of the affected populations.

Donald Trump had a busy January. Just as he withdrew his threat to invade Greenland, he threw a spanner in the works of Keir Starmer’s plan to hand over the Chagos Islands to Mauritius. Calling Starmer’s deal “an act of great stupidity” on Truth Social, the president inserted Washington into the debate over the future of the little archipelago, a British overseas territory home to an important US military base. But like the obsession with Greenland, what is driving the newfound concern is America’s intensifying geopolitical competition with China. 

The Chagos negotiations began in November of 2022 just after the chaotic rise and fall of Liz Truss. When serving as foreign minister, Truss had been cornered by her Mauritian counterpart at the UN General Assembly, who initiated a discussion that Britain had until then wisely avoided. The Chagos Archipelago was a dependency—an administrative colonial designation—of Mauritius when that nation gained independence in 1968, but Britain made an agreement to retain the Chagos. The Mauritians have been claiming the territory on and off since 1982, when the Mauritian Militant Movement first came to power. In 2019, the International Court of Justice, in an advisory opinion, ruled in Mauritius’s favor. Although the ruling was not legally binding, Starmer has now negotiated a deal to hand over the islands, and then lease the largest of them, Diego Garcia, home to an Anglo-American military base, for the hefty sum of $137 million a year. 

Greenland and Mauritius took two different paths open to colonial possessions and their colonizers after the Second World War. The newly founded United Nations, driven by the stated anticolonialism shared by Washington and Moscow, resolved to put an end to European empires; the Europeans, exhausted by war, could hardly object. There were three available paths to self-determination: full independence, free association, or full incorporation. Under UN Secretary General Dag Hammerskjöld, the goal was two-fold: self-determination and development. Mauritius became fully independent from Britain, while Greenland was incorporated into the Kingdom of Denmark in 1953. Since then, Greenland has gradually gained more autonomy, and is now a self-governing territory. 

The Cold War determined the fates of many former colonies. The Soviet Union and the United States, each uneasy about the prospect of Greenland falling into the other’s hands, supported continued Danish possession. For its part, Britain bought the Chagos Islands for the purposes of hosting the American military base in Diego Garcia. The Chagossians who had lived there for generations, most as workers on coconut oil plantations, were displaced to Mauritius; later, many moved to Britain, where most have settled in Crawley, in Sussex. 

Alongside the formal processes that accompanied it, decolonization began to acquire a broader meaning, whereby a former colonial metropole, a curriculum, or even a countryside could be in need of “decolonization.” Decolonization, by this logic, became a continuous moral imperative, and its driving force is Western imperial guilt. It was also widely accepted that the official end of colonial rule had led not to true independence but to neo-colonialism. Waning European power had given way to increasing American influence. UN efforts towards global development were also sometimes treated as covertly imperialist, since they suggested there was something superior about Western capitalism and liberal democracy. 

The new postcolonial logic made little distinction between the different processes and constitutional agreements that had bookended the imperial era, so it is unsurprising that many of these arrangements are being reconsidered. This was the background of Britain’s talks with Mauritius over the Chagos Islands as well as Denmark’s recent reckoning over Greenland. For instance, in 2025 the Danish prime minister issued an apology for a birth control campaign in which—as a part of Danish modernization efforts—the coil was widely encouraged as contraception in Greenland. Greenlandic women who had coils inserted without their knowledge or proper consultation were offered compensation.  

But in the domain of geopolitics, decolonization is a more complicated proposition. Mauritius and the Chagos are entirely the product of colonization: Both were uninhabited when the French first settled in the eighteenth century. As one academic put it, Mauritius is “a flotsam left behind by the wreck of the colonial world.” Greenland is a Scandinavian welfare state on a block of ice which still has no roads connecting major towns. Greenlanders hope to develop more self-sufficiency through tourism and increased access to natural resources, but are for now reliant on Danish financial support for about half of national income.

It is worth noting that Mauritius is not challenging those parts of the 1968 agreement that were beneficial to the Mauritians, which included, among other things, mineral and fishing rights. The Mauritians and their supporters point to the displacement of the Chagossians by the British to bolster their claims, but this has been severely complicated by the fact that the Chagossians themselves oppose returning the islands to Mauritius. 

In fact, in Greenland and the Chagos Islands, the “colonized” are on the side of their supposed colonizers. Within Britain, Chagossians are campaigning for their own return to the Chagos Islands, a prospect they consider less likely under Mauritian control. The Trump administration similarly tried to take up the plight of the Greenlanders, and the story about the coil campaign was picked up in the conservative New York Post. But when JD Vance visited Greenland last year, his flight was diverted to the American Pituffik space base at the news of protests, and a whopping 85 percent of Greenlanders oppose an American takeover, with a majority preferring continued Danish rule to that alternative. Applied postcolonial history seems to be little more than an exercise in selective counterfactuals.

In Britain, too, there is much confusion over the exact implications of former imperial wrongs. A report from the think tank Policy Exchange notes that parliamentarians consistently failed to understand that recognizing a “legal obligation” to cede the Chagos to Mauritius would make it impossible for Britain to “negotiate assurances about defense interests, the rights of Chagossians, and the environment.” A “legal obligation” had become just another form of moral posturing, rather than a binding imperative. The opposition, which also supported the deal, was no better than the Tory government. Jeremy Corbyn, when leader of the Labour party, seemed unable to understand that the Mauritian claim to the territory and the ability of the Chagossians to return to their homeland might be in conflict. Starmer’s deal—a negotiated settlement with no clear upsides for Britain, which involves handing territory and cash over to a foreign government—is the ultimate expression of British imperial self-flagellation. 

“Imperial guilt is a shallow, self-sabotaging basis for geopolitical strategy.”

In his famous introduction to Frantz Fanon’s Wretched of the Earth, Jean-Paul Sartre wrote that his countrymen ought to “have the courage to read this book, for in the first place it will make you ashamed, and shame, as Marx said, is a revolutionary sentiment.” Well, Europeans do feel ashamed, but the consequences have proven far from revolutionary. Who are Greenland’s relevant colonizers—the Danes or the looming Americans? Who are the relevant former colonial subjects in the Chagos negotiations—the Mauritians or the Chagossians? Imperial guilt is a shallow, self-sabotaging basis for geopolitical strategy. It is time for European leaders to rediscover their own national self-interest.

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bogorad
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Women Are More Likely Than Men to Endorse Political Violence // A new survey finding points to the dangers of digital outrage culture.

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  • Survey Basis: NCRI’s weighted 1,055-respondent study asked whether targeted murder of Trump or Mayor Mamdani could ever be justified on a seven-point scale.
  • Left-of-Center Findings: 67% of left-of-center participants expressed some justification for killing Trump, up 11 points from an earlier 2025 study.
  • Right-of-Center Findings: 54% of right-of-center respondents expressed some degree of justification for murdering Mamdani.
  • Generalized Tolerance: Justifications for killing Trump and Mamdani were strongly correlated, suggesting tolerance for political violence crosses partisan lines.
  • Gender Disparity: Women were roughly 21% more likely than men to justify Mamdani’s murder and nearly 15% more likely to justify Trump’s, even after controlling for age and other factors.
  • Punitive Femininity: The author labels the mindset driving this disparity “punitive femininity,” fueled by anger, moral certainty, and emotional manipulation rather than innate aggression.
  • Social Media Impact: Heavy social media use and a belief in America’s terminal decline are the strongest predictors of violence tolerance, as platforms reward outrage and moral absolutism that erode traditional norms.

When we talk about political violence, we almost always assume that its perpetrators are young men. That makes sense: men are statistically more likely to engage in physical aggression and get arrested for violent crimes at higher rates. At the same time, many are dealing with rising unemployment, declining educational achievement, and growing social disengagement. Given all that, researchers may reasonably assume that young men are driving greater tolerance for political violence.

New data complicate that assumption. A recent survey by the Network Contagion Research Institute at Rutgers found that under certain conditions, women were more likely than men to express support for political violence. The findings were so counter to the prevailing narrative that they surprised even the researchers.

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It makes sense, though, when you start to recognize where these women’s impulses come from. The rise of what I call “punitive femininity” is downstream of the toxic political culture online, a culture that is transforming the sex long viewed as more restrained and less prone to violence.

To investigate toleration of political violence, NCRI use data from a survey of 1,055 respondents, weighted to be representative across sex, age, race/ethnicity, and education. The survey asked participants whether they saw any justification for the targeted murder of President Donald Trump and New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani. It recorded responses on a seven-point scale ranging from zero (“completely unjustified”) to six (“highly justified”).

Among left-of-center respondents, 67 percent expressed at least some justification for the murder of Trump, an 11-point increase over NCRI’s earlier 2025 study. Fifty-four percent of right-of-center respondents expressed some degree of justification for murdering Mamdani.

Strikingly, justification for killing Trump and justification for killing Mamdani were strongly correlated. This implies that support for political murder is not merely partisan but reflects a generalized tolerance for political violence.

The most unexpected result: women were significantly more likely than men to endorse such violence. Female respondents were approximately 21 percent more likely than males to express some justification for murdering Mamdani and nearly 15 percent more likely to justify murdering Trump.

Both differences were statistically significant. These effects persisted even after controlling for age and other variables.

This disparity isn’t obviously the result of biological sex differences or even political polarization. Rather, it reflects the rise of a distinct and disturbing mindset.

The strongest predictors of tolerance for violence in NCRI’s data were heavy social media use and a sense that America is in a state of terminal decline. The supporters of violence in the survey aren’t traditional extremists. Rather, they seem motivated by the despair, nihilism, and moral confusion online.

For whatever reason, women seem uniquely at risk for infection by this mindset. Over the past decade, women—especially younger women—have become more politically and affectively polarized in their political judgments. Political disagreement is increasingly treated as a serious moral offense rather than a simple difference of opinion. When you see the world that way, punishing someone for holding different views becomes a moral good.

I think of this mindset as “punitive femininity.” By punitive femininity, I do not mean to invoke notions of hostility, cruelty, or aggression in the conventional sense. I mean the transformation of moral concern into a license to act punitively. Adoption of this attitude is fueled by a combination of raw anger, emotional manipulation, and an exaggerated sense of moral certainty.

Social media plays a central role in this transformation. Modern platforms reward outrage, absolutism, and performative aggression. They flatten moral complexity, elevating and even glorifying condemnation.

This lens helps make sense of some of the strangest corners of the internet. Consider the online reaction to Luigi Mangione. After his arrest for the murder of UnitedHealthcare CEO Brian Thompson, some treated Mangione not as a killer, but as a celebrity. They even explicitly sexualized him, describing him as attractive, charismatic, and even romantic.

When violence is paired with attraction, it stops being judged on moral terms. Instead of asking whether an action is wrong, people start asking whether it feels meaningful, expressive, or somehow justified.

Women aren’t uniquely prone to this dynamic. But they do disproportionately occupy and get their news from the digital spaces where this kind of aestheticization spreads fastest.

Historically, women have played a stabilizing role in moral and civic life. Across cultures, they score higher on measures of empathy, care, and harm avoidance.

When women become less likely to demonstrate these virtues, it doesn’t mean they’ve suddenly transformed. It means the moral climate itself has deteriorated. Social media is breaking down basic norms of restraint, and that breakdown is showing up in groups once closely associated with moral caution and care.

If we care about social stability and the well-being of the next generation, we need to change course. We must stop rewarding moral outrage—especially when it means support for violence.

Colin Wright is an evolutionary biologist and fellow at the Manhattan Institute.

Photo by TIMOTHY A. CLARY/AFP via Getty Images

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Trump’s Fed Pick Could Be Just What the Central Bank Needs // If he acts in harmony with his past statements, Kevin Warsh could restore the Fed’s integrity and independence.

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  • Warsh’s profile: Former Fed governor with political connections, not a monetary policy scholar, now favored by Trump to replace Jerome Powell.
  • Powell’s nomination rationale: Chosen in 2017 for his market experience and communication skills after a streak of Ph.D. economists chaired the Fed.
  • Policy shift critique: Powell’s 2019 framework review elevated employment goals, which the author links to inflation running hot despite unemployment concerns.
  • QE expansion concerns: Powell’s doubling of the balance sheet during the pandemic is blamed for distorting the housing market and leaving the Fed with a bloated balance sheet.
  • QE’s consequences: Enlarged balance sheet invites political pressure, more interference, and expectations that the Fed will buy long-term Treasuries and mortgage-backed securities.
  • Warsh’s stance: His opposition to QE, potential lower reserve rates, and consistent hawkish tone could restore Fed independence and shield it from future interventions.

I first became aware of Kevin Warsh, President Trump’s nominee to succeed Federal Reserve Chairman Jerome Powell, in 2006, when I was in graduate school and he was nominated to the Fed Board of Governors. Just 35, with a respectable (if unremarkable) career in finance but extremely well-connected politically, he raised more than a few skeptical eyebrows that he could survive the grueling Senate confirmation process (even Nobel laureates aren’t a lock). But 20 years later, Warsh may be just what the Fed needs to restore integrity to the institution.

In some ways, Warsh is an obvious pick: he looks the part, was a former Fed governor, and is close to the Trump administration. Yet he’s also a surprising choice: he is not a great scholar of monetary policy, did nothing notable in his finance career, and has a long history of taking more hawkish stances on monetary policy than Donald Trump.

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True, Powell was not a scholar of monetary policy, either—but he is a lawyer. In nominating him in 2017, the first Trump administration’s thinking was that, after three consecutive economics Ph.D.’s, the next Fed chair should be someone steeped in markets, with strong communication and political skills, backstopped by board members with strong academic training.

Powell wound up making several major errors, though keeping interest rates too high for too long was not one of them. Some of his missteps—letting the Fed wade into climate change and racial-justice issues, for example—made it more vulnerable to political attacks. His big policy errors include shifting the central bank’s focus to weight employment more than inflation during the 2019 framework review. This contributed to letting inflation get out of control, and it remains high today.

Though unemployment is a serious problem, putting greater emphasis on the issue was never wise. Monetary policy’s impact on unemployment is still not well understood, and some unemployment is caused by supply conditions, over which the Fed has less control. A greater focus on unemployment also makes the institution more subject to political capture, because favored groups can be singled out to justify loose monetary policy. Warsh’s history suggests that he would be more concerned with reducing inflation. Some central banks target only inflation.

Powell’s other significant error was expanding the Quantitative Easing (QE) program by more than doubling the Fed’s balance sheet during the pandemic—a decision that continues to distort the housing market. Today, the balance sheet is still large relative to earlier rounds of QE. Warsh probably would have made a different choice.

Warsh was serving on the Fed Board when QE began in November 2008, as well as during the change to the ample, or even abundant, reserve system during the financial crisis. At the time, interest rates stood at zero, and the Fed was looking to support the economy, so it paid interest on the money that banks kept parked at the Fed and bought long-dated treasuries and mortgage-backed securities, hoping to boost demand. These actions did change the scope of monetary policy: the Fed’s balance sheet is now much larger. But they also created many problems in exchange for few benefits, since we lack strong, consistent evidence that QE ever did, in fact, boost economic demand.

QE imposes many costs. One heavy one is that central banks face more outside interference, which undermines independence. That the Fed buys things other than short-term debt means that it will come under greater pressure to buy long-dated treasuries to reduce debt-service costs, and to buy more mortgage-backed securities to bring mortgage rates down.

The balance sheet’s sheer size also makes it a target. The Cares Act directed the Fed to extend credit to middle-market firms. The FDIC borrowed from the Fed, rather than the Treasury (which is bound by the debt limit) to bail out bank deposit holders.

Warsh’s desire to phase out QE, or even potentially pay a lower rate on reserves, could enhance financial stability and insulate the Fed from more political attacks.

More recently, Warsh sided with President Trump on cutting rates. This position seems at odds with what he has argued for on the board and as a fellow at the Hoover Institution. But if, as chair, Warsh acts in harmony with his statements over the last 15 years, he could be the one to restore more independence to the Fed and protect it from future interference.

Allison Schrager is a senior fellow at the Manhattan Institute and a contributing editor of City Journal.

Photo by Kyle Mazza/Anadolu via Getty Images

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SpaceX, xAI Tie Up, Forming $1.25 Trillion Company - WSJ

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  • Corporate Consolidation: SpaceX has officially acquired xAI, merging Elon Musk’s rocket and satellite company with his artificial intelligence startup.
  • Vertical Integration: The merger aims to create an integrated innovation engine combining orbital infrastructure with advanced narrow and general AI capabilities.
  • Financial Valuation: The combined entity is valued at approximately $1.25 trillion, with the xAI portion specifically valued at $250 billion.
  • Transaction Structure: The deal is executed via a share exchange where xAI shares convert into SpaceX stock at a ratio of 0.1433 per share.
  • Resource Synergy: This acquisition follows a pattern of Musk cross-leveraging his companies, similar to previous integrations involving SolarCity, Tesla, and X.
  • Orbital Infrastructure: SpaceX has filed to deploy a network of up to one million satellites designed to operate as space-based AI data centers.
  • Energy Strategy: The merger seeks to solve terrestrial power limitations by utilizing solar energy in space to fulfill the high electricity demands of AI.
  • Operational Challenges: Successful execution depends on the continued development of the Starship rocket, which has yet to deploy an operational payload during testing.

By

Micah Maidenberg

,

Meghan Bobrowsky

and

Berber Jin

Updated Feb. 2, 2026 8:22 pm ET

288


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What really happens after you hit enter on that AI prompt? WSJ’s Joanna Stern heads inside a data center to trace the journey and then grills up some steaks to show just how much energy it takes to make an AI image and video. Photo: David Hall

Elon Musk said SpaceX acquired xAI, a deal that combines his powerful rocket-and-satellite business with his artificial-intelligence startup that is facing steep competition.

SpaceX confirmed the deal Monday, posting a memo Musk sent out about the arrangement on its website.

“SpaceX has acquired xAI to form the most ambitious, vertically-integrated innovation engine on (and off) Earth,” Musk, the top executive at both companies, said in the memo. 

The combination brings together a mature and dominant company in SpaceX, with one that is in a nascent stage. SpaceX operates a fleet of reusable rockets, spacecraft that ferry astronauts to orbit, and Starlink, the world’s largest satellite fleet that provides broadband internet to millions of customers worldwide.

Musk’s xAI, like other AI companies, is training large-language models and runs Grok, a chatbot integrated into the X social-media platform. XAI is facing formidable competition from OpenAI, Anthropic, DeepMind and others.

SpaceX was one of xAI’s first customers when it was getting off the ground back in 2024, The Wall Street Journal previously reported. In one of its first integrations, xAI was used to power customer-support features for SpaceX’s Starlink internet service.

The Journal reported last week the companies were planning the tie-up, and other news organizations reported on discussions about the deal. Financial terms of the agreement weren’t disclosed in the memo.

The combined company is valued at $1.25 trillion, people familiar with the matter said. The merger valued xAI at around $250 billion, the people said. Bloomberg earlier reported on the valuations.

Combining SpaceX and xAI is the latest example of Musk bringing different parts of his business empire together. His companies regularly share resources, including employees. Electric-car maker Tesla in 2016 acquired Musk’s SolarCity business. Last year, Musk merged xAI with X, which Musk acquired when it was called Twitter.

SpaceX previously invested $2 billion into xAI. Last week, Tesla committed to invest the same amount in the company.

The merger revealed Monday is structured as a share exchange, according to a copy of an email viewed by the Journal that was sent to current and former X and xAI employees. Shares in xAI will be converted into 0.1433 shares of SpaceX stock. Employees will have the option to cash out and sell their xAI shares back to the company, the email said.

People close to SpaceX have been discussing the prospects of the merger in recent days, including the risks and opportunities it may present as SpaceX prepares to go public.

Musk controlled both private companies before their combination. He held a roughly 42% stake in SpaceX and 80% control over voting stock at the rocket maker.  

The valuations in both companies have been steadily climbing in connection with secondary stock sales and efforts to raise fresh capital.  

A SpaceX Super Heavy booster carrying the Starship spacecraft lifts off, surrounded by massive plumes of fire and smoke.

A SpaceX Super Heavy booster carrying the Starship spacecraft. Steve Nesius/Reuters

Shares of SpaceX were valued at almost $527 each on Monday, people familiar with the matter said. The company in December began a secondary offering that sought to value shares at $421 apiece.

XAI last month closed a $20 billion funding round. The Journal reported late last year that the company was seeking to raise billions from investors in a bid to secure a $230 billion valuation.

Musk, in his memo, touted his vision of putting rockets, satellites, AI and more into one company. 


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“This marks not just the next chapter, but the next book in SpaceX and xAI’s mission: scaling to make a sentient sun to understand the Universe and extend the light of consciousness to the stars!” he said. 

He also said that global electricity demand for AI can’t be met with data centers on the ground without big impacts on communities and the environment. Advancing the technology, he wrote, will require equipment in space. 

Using solar power from space will be a transformative way to power computing resources needed for AI, Musk said, echoing comments he has been making at events and on X. Operating data centers in space has also grabbed the attention of executives like Jeff Bezos and Sam Altman though the concept is unproven and is expected to pose engineering and cost challenges.

On Friday, SpaceX said in a U.S. regulatory filing it wants to deploy an orbital AI data center network consisting of up to one million satellites. The company will need to secure permission from telecommunications authorities to deploy that fleet.

SpaceX will also need to demonstrate further progress with Starship, a powerful two-stage rocket the company has been testing in flight since 2023. Starship hasn’t yet deployed an operational payload during the test missions, and SpaceX has grappled with setbacks during the development campaign.

Write to Micah Maidenberg at micah.maidenberg@wsj.com, Meghan Bobrowsky at meghan.bobrowsky@wsj.com and Berber Jin at berber.jin@wsj.com

Copyright ©2026 Dow Jones & Company, Inc. All Rights Reserved. 87990cbe856818d5eddac44c7b1cdeb8

Appeared in the February 3, 2026, print edition as 'Musk’s SpaceX Acquires His xAI Startup'.


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bogorad
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Dear Democrats, enforcing immigration law is not fascism

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  • POLICY_OBSTRUCTION: Coordinated and well-funded provocations aim to end all immigration enforcement by creating chaos and obstructing federal law.
  • IDEOLOGICAL_DELUSION: Democratic leaders operate within media bubbles, falsely characterizing standard law enforcement activities as a generational struggle against fascism.
  • INFLAMMATORY_RHETORIC: Prominent figures use extreme historical analogies, comparing immigration officers to Nazis and equating current events to the story of Anne Frank.
  • FACTUAL_DISTORTION: Activists and politicians frequently rely on uncritically accepted propaganda and AI-generated misinformation to frame law enforcement encounters.
  • LAW_ENFORCEMENT_REALITY: Incidents involving Renee Good and Alex Pretti are characterized not as random violence, but as consequences of activists physically obstructing officers.
  • PUBLIC_DEMAND: A significant portion of the American public supports the deportation of illegal immigrants, while the majority of the Democratic party opposes such enforcement.
  • SOVEREIGNTY_CONFLICT: Tensions exist between state and local governments that refuse to cooperate with federal officers and the necessity of maintaining the nation-state.
  • ORDERED_LIBERTY: The maintenance of a functioning democratic republic requires respect for federal authority and the enforcement of established immigration laws.

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Victims of their own media bubbles, Democratic Party leaders across the country have convinced themselves that they are in the middle of a generational struggle against fascism in the United States. What is really happening is that proper enforcement of immigration law is being made widely chaotic and sometimes fatal by coordinated and well-funded provocations and obstruction, which has the explicit goal of ending all immigration enforcement entirely.

The clashes have pitted those who believe in democracy within the nation-state and those who reject both those things. Circumstances for confrontation have been created by state and local governments that, despite being elected by clearly defined populations, do not believe in such clearly defined populations, and therefore refuse to hand illegal immigrants to federal officers for deportation.

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In Philadelphia, Larry Krasner, the district attorney funded by billionaire George Soros, called Immigration and Customs Enforcement officers “Nazis,” and threatened “to hunt … down the way they hunted down Nazis for decades,” adding “we will find your identities. We will find you.”

In New York, television host Stephen Colbert went a step further, saying ICE officers are worse than Nazis because at least “the Nazis were willing to show their faces.” What a vile, stupid, and dishonest line of argument.

In Minnesota, Gov. Tim Walz (D-MN) called President Donald Trump’s immigration policies “fascist,” adding this week, “We have got children in Minnesota hiding in their houses, afraid to go outside. Many of us grew up reading that story of Anne Frank.”

Each of these absurd comparisons becomes understandable once you know about the propaganda echo chamber that elected Democratic leaders live in. Everything activists have said about recent events in Minnesota has been believed uncritically by Democrats. They are frequently duped by obvious, outright fakery.

For Democrats, Renee Good was merely an innocent mother randomly pulled over by ICE officers before being shot in cold blood. In reality, she and her roommate were dedicated activists who used their thousand-pound vehicle to obstruct law enforcement and hit an officer while attempting to flee arrest.

For Democrats, 5-year-old Liam Conejo Ramos was targeted by ICE for arrest, detention, and deportation. In reality, ICE officers tried to arrest Ramos’s father, Adrian Conejo Ramos, who was with his son after he picked him up from school. But Ramos’s father ran when he saw the officers, abandoning his son, whom the federal officers looked after for a while. They took Ramos to McDonald’s before reuniting him with his father, at his father’s request, after he was taken into custody.

Democrats have depicted Alex Pretti as a “patient” and “calm” nurse who was just peacefully protesting ICE before being randomly executed by ICE officers. In reality, Pretti was part of an activist group that had been tracking and swarming ICE officers to prevent them from carrying out their lawful duties. There is a video of Pretti kicking and spitting at ICE officers. This does not mean he deserved to be shot, and his death must be fully investigated, but it does show his violence. When he got into a physical fight with federal officers, he was discovered to have a gun, which apparently went off in the scuffle. In these circumstances, it may be lamentable that he died, but it is also understandable that in a heated and confused ruckus that lasted just a few seconds, he was shot because he seemed to pose a threat.

The Democratic media bubble is pervasive. Sen. Dick Durbin (D-IL), never the brightest bulb illuminating the upper chamber of Congress, showed the Senate a fake artificial intelligence-generated image of Pretti being shot. So strong were Durbin’s partisan blinders that he didn’t notice that one of the two ICE officers in the picture had no head.

Former President Joe Biden allowed about 6 million illegal immigrants to invade our country in four years. That was on top of the estimated 10 million who were already here. The public wants illegal immigrants deported, not just those who commit violent crimes. The problem for Democrats is that just 34% of their party agrees with this. That means two-thirds of Democrats think it is unreasonable for federal officials to arrest, detain, and deport illegal immigrants. They have every right to peacefully protest ICE efforts.

INVESTIGATE THE MINNESOTA SHOOTINGS

But they do not have the right to obstruct federal law enforcement, which is what Good, Pretti, and the groups they belonged to did. Law enforcement officers have every right to arrest and detain people who obstruct them in their duties. That is not fascism. That is law and order in a functioning democratic republic.

Standing up to ersatz fascism is not brave; it is delusional. The delusion is created and nurtured in the Left’s ideological echo chambers. Enforcing laws is the essence of ordered liberty, not tyranny. Democrats must abandon inflammatory rhetoric, respect federal authority, and engage in honest debate to preserve the republic they claim to defend.

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