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Zoom Has a ‘SWAT Team’ to Stand Out on ChatGPT and Gemini - WSJ

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LLM (google/gemini-3.1-flash-lite-preview-20260303) summary:

  • Marketing Obsession: firms are panicking to manipulate artificial intelligence responses to maintain relevance in a digital landscape.
  • Engine Manipulation: executives are rebranding standard search practices into generative engine optimization to sustain the appearance of growth.
  • Commodity Struggle: the company admits its core product is now a generic utility facing massive perception problems.
  • Diversification Efforts: desperation to expand into contact centers and phone platforms drives the need for aggressive algorithmic positioning.
  • Bureaucratic Response: leadership is forming internal swat teams to treat fundamental content shifts as if they were agile marketing campaigns.
  • Buyer Avoidance: the shift in b2b behavior towards pre-sales research forces firms to infiltrate user conversations within large language models.
  • Human Exploitation: the strategy relies on pressuring executives to act as corporate conduits on social media platforms to influence machine training data.
  • Cultural Indoctrination: management is forcing a culture shift to ensure employees blindly prioritize the demands of automated retrieval systems.

Kimberly Storin, Zoom's chief marketer, smiling at the camera.Zoom Chief Marketing Officer Kimberly Storin is helping the company show up the right way on large language models. Zoom Communications

Yet another new job duty has skyrocketed in importance for chief marketing officers: optimizing how their companies appear in conversations with large language models like ChatGPT or Google Gemini.

For Kimberly Storin, CMO at the video meeting provider Zoom Communications, that has meant working quickly to stay on top of emerging research and trying to make sure material—whether it’s chatter on Reddit or executive commentary on LinkedIn—is showing up in a way that leads users to consider Zoom.

Storin spoke with The Wall Street Journal Leadership Institute’s Megan Graham about how the company is trying to keep up in the quickly changing space. The conversation has been edited for length and clarity.

WSJLI: I just asked our company’s Gemini who we should use for video business software. The reply listed Zoom first, saying it’s the “industry standard”—so, good job on that. It’s interesting to see its explanation for why that is, and what kind of information it cites, including Gartner rankings and other factors. I’m sure you’re thinking about all of these things constantly.

Kim Storin: All day long. And are we getting pulled into the right things, do we have the FAQs built into every single page that they need to be, so that the LLMs are pulling the right information? It’s a whole new world.

We have 99% brand awareness, so we don’t have a brand awareness problem. We do have a perception challenge, because video is fairly commoditized at this point. What Zoom has done to grow is to build and to buy across other workflows. So we have a product for job recruiters, for example, and a contact center for customer support, so if your vacuum breaks and you’re calling SharkNinja, they’re using Zoom. We have a phone platform for small businesses. We have webinars and events for marketers.

With our answer engine optimization and generative engine optimization efforts, we know that we’re showing up and we’ve got all the right citations when it comes to videoconferencing. But how are we showing up for our contact center business? How are we showing up in webinars against our competition? Are we capturing the rest of this growth in the market that we have to in order to continue to grow outside of just a commoditized video space?


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WSJLI: When did you start to think about this as a CMO?

Storin: I think it was last fall where we started. It had been a conversation before that, but I remember being at an event in September where I sat down with the CMO of software review website G2, which had just gotten this really hot, fresh data showing that the number of people starting their discovery on LLMs had shot up quickly.

It was that moment where I’m like, holy smokes, in three months that number has shot up and we can’t be passively thinking that this is all going to align. And we can’t keep thinking that our SEO team understands what it takes for AEO and GEO in the same way that they’re experts in SEO. It’s interconnected, but it’s way bigger.

That was when we really kicked off our efforts in earnest, where I set up a SWAT team. SEO has to play a role. But so does content, so does our web team, so does our data team, so does our brand and media team. It’s so complex. How are we changing the way that we’re building content?

WSJLI: How does the SWAT team work?

Storin: We have a weekly core team meeting treating this like any other cross-functional effort. We’re standing up an agile marketing approach, but for something that’s not a campaign. It’s fundamentally how we do work, how we market.

WSJLI: How does your business-to-business focus make optimizing for LLMs different than it might be for companies trying to appeal to consumers?

Storin: B-to-b buyers don’t want to talk to a salesperson for most of their journey. That’s a big change. They’re not sitting down with 15 vendors and getting to know the vendors. They’re spending 80% of that time researching, talking to ChatGPT, talking to their friends, getting referrals, researching online, and then you only get that meeting if you’re shortlisted. Now, our goal is to get on that shortlist.

WSJLI: How are you thinking about how the LLMs pick up conversations about Zoom on these various platforms like Reddit? 

Storin: It is authenticity that is getting pulled through, driving engagement. It’s vulnerability.

One report came out recently that said LinkedIn is number one in terms of LLM citing. Well, that changes your whole strategy, because it’s not brands that are getting picked up. Your executives are being cited as part of this. Reddit is also up there, and Substack. And then, obviously, press releases matter again, in a way that they didn’t matter as much two years ago.

So now it’s like, how do you convince your executive team that they need to be active on LinkedIn? How do you convince your team to get back on board after we’ve been trying to tell them fewer press releases? Not only do we need press releases, but they need to be press releases specifically designed for LLM pickup. It’s a totally different approach. 

WSJLI: How are you staying on top of it?

Storin: Nobody can be on top of it. I think it’s one of those things that is just evolving every single day. People are surprised when I say that we don’t have it all figured out.

I launched a GPU-accelerated server in 2015 and so I’ve been living in this machine-learning, deep-learning space for more than 10 years now. What I learned back then is what I’m seeing now, which is that if you don’t build some kind of cross-functional core competency in-house, you will not be able to actually see results that are driving outcomes at scale.

We’re basically taking that same approach. In our organization, they have to be curious, they have to be agile, and they have to take calculated risks. It’s more of a culture shift than it is an expertise shift at this point.

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SAS soldiers resign over war crime ‘witch hunts’

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LLM (google/gemini-3.1-flash-lite-preview-20260303) summary:

  • Personnel Departures: members of the special air service are resigning from duty citing legal pressures and ongoing scrutiny.
  • Alleged Witch Hunts: soldiers perceive investigations into past military operations in syria and afghanistan as systemic harassment by lawyers.
  • Command Backbone: senior warrant officers with significant experience are choosing to leave the service as a matter of principle.
  • Operational Readiness: critics characterize the current loss of high-value personnel as a direct threat to national security interests.
  • Legal Framework: concerns persist regarding the application of human rights legislation to active combat zones and historical engagements.
  • Political Criticism: the current government faces blame for a perceived combination of inadequate defense funding and adverse legal reforms.
  • Deterrence Capability: declining fleet sizes and delayed deployment responses are fueling anxieties about the nations overall military preparedness.
  • Institutional Friction: military leadership suggests that the current reliance on constant inquiry hinders tactical boldness and demoralizes the fighting force.

Tom Cotterill Defence Editor Tom Cotterill

Tom Cotterill is The Telegraph’s acting defence editor. See more He has previously written for The Daily Mail and MailOnline. A former award-winning Defence Correspondent for a daily paper in Portsmouth, Tom has been a reporter since 2011. He can be contacted on <a href="mailto:tom.cotterill@telegraph.co.uk">tom.cotterill@telegraph.co.uk</a> or on X @TomCotterillX

Published 20 April 2026 12:37pm BST

Special Air Service (SAS) soldiers are resigning in significant numbers over fears they will be subjected to “witch hunts” by human rights lawyers.

Several sources have claimed that soldiers from 22 SAS, the Army’s most elite fighting force, have applied for premature voluntary release.

The Telegraph is withholding the exact figure for security reasons, but at least two squadrons, D and G, are believed to have been affected. Several SAS sources described the losses as significant and a “threat to national security”.

Insiders say the resignations have been driven by outrage over recent war crime investigations into Afghanistan and Syria, which have been described as “witch hunts”.

The treatment of elderly Northern Ireland veterans who served in the SAS has also contributed, insiders say. They are viewed as having been hounded through the courts on vexatious claims, some of which have been described as “ludicrous” by a judge.

Among those understood to have resigned are several senior warrant officers, who are the backbone of the special forces and among the most experienced troops in the regiment. A number are understood to have applied for release “on principle” just before Christmas.

“Morale is s--- at the moment,” one insider with knowledge of the recent losses said, while another said there was “considerable disquiet” in the regiment as a result.

Scrutiny on Starmer

Sir Keir Starmer is under immense pressure to boost the military after Donald Trump’s attack on Iran showed how ill-prepared Britain was for war.

It took three weeks for HMS Dragon, a Type 45 destroyer, to arrive in the eastern Mediterranean after RAF Akrotiri, a British air base in Cyprus, was hit by a drone.

Sir Keir has failed to say how the Government will meet its pledge to spend 3 per cent of GDP on defence, and his defence investment plan for military spending over the next decade – promised last autumn – has still not been published amid wrangling between the Ministry of Defence (MoD) and the Treasury.

The SAS resignations are a significant blow to the famed special forces unit, which is the tip of the spear in military operation and is deployed globally.

Last month it was revealed that 242 special forces troops, including 120 serving troops, were being hounded by lawyers as part of £1m-a-month human rights inquiries.

The figures came in a memo shared with the Special Air Service and the Special Reconnaissance Regiment associations last month.

Secret operations across Afghanistan, Northern Ireland and Syria are being investigated by lawyers, with the troops involved facing legal sanctions if they fail to comply.

The memo, revealed by the Daily Mail, claimed troops had started to sign off in protest at the legal onslaught.

‘It feels like a betrayal’

George Simm, a former regimental sergeant major of 22 SAS, said troops were afraid they would “get a knock on the door” from lawyers and felt they had been betrayed.

He said laws such as the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) were being applied to war zones and that the right to life for “armed terrorists and murderers” now outweighed that of the special forces troops sent to stop them from committing atrocities.

“If a soldier discharges their weapon, they are almost certainly going to get a knock at their door one day,” he told The Telegraph. “It feels like a betrayal and a break in the trust.

“We now have to consider the lives of the terrorists because of the ECHR. These are the guys who are shooting at us. We have all killed mass murderers and these lawyers say you should have done this and should have done that. It’s a joke.

“There is a dangerous dichotomy that has crept into the command and come all the way down the chain of command and now the lawyers are all over it.”

Lt Col Richard Williams, a former SAS commanding officer, said it was under pressure from Labour's 'toxic double whammy of lawfare persecution and budget cuts'
Lt Col Richard Williams, a former commanding officer, said the SAS was under pressure from Labour’s ‘toxic double whammy of lawfare persecution and budget cuts’ 

Lt Col Richard Williams, a former commanding officer of 22 SAS, told The Telegraph: “The SAS, like all involved in UK defence today, is being hit with the Labour Party’s unique, toxic, double whammy of lawfare persecution and budget cuts. 

“It’s hardly surprising that professional and loyal soldiers, SAS or otherwise, choose to leave.”

Labour’s Troubles bill, which seeks to remove immunity protections introduced by the Conservatives in their Northern Ireland Legacy Act, has provoked anger in military circles.

Some of the UK’s most senior retired military chiefs warned before Christmas that legal reform was provoking an “exodus” from the special forces.

In an unprecedented intervention, nine former military chiefs claimed that soldiers’ trust in the legal system had collapsed to such a point that it “risks everything”.

Enemies ‘rubbing their hands’

In an open letter to Sir Keir, they said allowing historic cases against veterans to be reopened was playing into the hands of Britain’s enemies.

The letter – which included Gen Sir Patrick Sanders, a former chief of the general staff, among its signatories – warned: “Today every British soldier deployed must consider not only the enemy in front of them but the lawyer behind them.

“Make no mistake, our closest allies are watching uneasily, and our enemies will be rubbing their hands.”

Writing for The Telegraph in December, seven former SAS commanders warned Britain’s most elite troops risked being used as scapegoats by politicians who were “doing the enemy’s work”.

The writers included two former commanding officers of 22 SAS, Aldwin Wight and Lt Col Williams, as well as three former squadron commanders, a former regimental sergeant major and a former warrant officer first class.

They said the threat of legal action could result in deaths as “commanders turn risk-averse” and “soldiers hesitate where boldness saves lives”.

“Britain’s special forces are small, discreet, uniquely lethal... Their humiliation rewards Moscow, Tehran and Beijing,” they wrote. “Our handling of allegations is national security, not a sideshow.

“Defend our defenders fairly, firmly, eyes open to war’s moral mess – or keep doing the enemy’s work, one leak, one inquiry, one broken soldier at a time. A democracy that won’t back its warriors won’t long endure.”

The Army has shrunk from more than 100,000 around 2010 to just over 70,000 fully trained soldiers now, its smallest since before the Napoleonic War.

The Navy, once the jewel of Britain’s military, is now at its smallest size in living memory, with only seven frigates and six destroyers in the fleet and two aircraft carriers. Of the six Astute-class nuclear attack submarines, only one is at sea.

One of Britain’s Vanguard boats, armed with nuclear missiles, spent more than six months underwater, a far longer deployment than previously carried out by the nuclear deterrence force.

An MoD spokesman said: “While it is a longstanding policy of successive governments not to comment on UK Special Forces, we are immensely proud of all our Armed Forces and their extraordinary contribution to keeping the UK safe at home and abroad.

“We are committed to ensuring that the legal framework governing our Armed Forces reflects the practical realities of military operations, and that those who served with honour are properly protected.

“Where the UK undertakes military action, it complies fully with UK and international law. We are clear that upholding those standards does not prevent our Armed Forces from conducting effective operations.”

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bogorad
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Is the Fattest Place in America the Starbucks Drive‑Through?

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LLM (google/gemini-3.1-flash-lite-preview-20260303) summary:

  • Lazy Explanations: common claims blaming individual lack of discipline disregard significant biological and historical shifts.
  • Survival Signaling: evolutionary biology dictates that sweet flavors trigger fat storage to prepare for periods of winter famine.
  • Liquid Consumption: sugar intake in liquid form bypasses natural satiety mechanisms while rapidly spiking blood glucose and insulin.
  • Morning Programming: starting the day with sugar-laden coffee drinks forces the body into a persistent fat storage metabolic mode.
  • Exercise Fallacy: physical activity is an insufficient remedy when the metabolic environment is constantly saturated with calorie-dense triggers.
  • Industrial Feed: modern food manufacturing utilizes agricultural byproducts like soy and corn to mimic livestock fattening processes.
  • Economic Motivation: high-margin shelf-stable products prioritized over nutrition inevitably lead to widespread weight gain across the population.
  • Structural Intervention: long-term health improvements require prioritizing the removal of artificial signals rather than relying on performative fitness industry trends.

Ask, “Why are Americans so obese?” and you’ll get the same two lazy answers: “too much food” and “not enough exercise.”
Public‑health sites dress this up with jargon about “energy imbalance” and “sedentary lifestyles,” but it all comes down to “eat less, move more.”

This is wrong in two important ways. It’s wrong historically, and it’s wrong biologically.

Historically, the rise in obesity is too fast and too recent to be explained by a gentle drift toward gluttony and laziness. In 1990, U.S. adult obesity was in the teens; today it’s over 40 percent. We did not triple our manual labor, then suddenly stop. We did not suddenly forget how to push away from the table. The environment changed in a particular way, and our bodies responded in a particular way.

Biologically, the “calorie is a calorie” story misses the point. Your fat tissue isn’t a passive savings account. It is an active organ that evolved to defend you from famine and winter. The question is not “how many calories did you eat?” The question is, “what signals did you give your body about whether to store fat or burn it?”

For mammals, one signal has always been louder than the rest: sweet.


Sweet as a survival signal

Imagine you’re a mammal in the wild. For most of the year, food is hard to find. Then autumn arrives and something strange happens: fruit. Sweetness appears, briefly, right before winter, when starvation is most likely.

In that environment, it is a feature—not a bug—that sweet things drive you to eat more and store more. The animals that could turn “sweet” into “fat” most efficiently were the animals that survived winter and got to reproduce.

We are the descendants of those champion fat‑storers. We still carry that wiring. The difference is that winter never comes.

Modern food culture has taken that ancient survival signal—sweetness—and piped it into every corner of daily life, especially in liquid form and especially in the morning, when your metabolism is most primed to take instructions for the day. That isn’t just “extra calories.” It’s a chronic “winter is coming” alarm, blaring all day, every day.


Why liquids are different

For almost all of mammalian evolution, adults consumed one liquid: water. You drank water and you chewed food. There was no such thing as a constant IV line of pre‑digested sugar flowing straight into your gut.

Sweet liquids break that pattern in several ways:

  • They are pre‑chewed. There’s little mechanical or digestive work. Sugar rushes into the bloodstream quickly and in large amounts.

  • They bypass a lot of the satiety machinery. You don’t “register” those calories the way you do solid food, so you don’t reliably eat less later.

  • They are metabolically noisy. Fructose in particular is handled largely by the liver, where it can be rapidly converted to fat and can nudge the body toward fat storage mode.

In evolutionary terms, a big hit of liquid sweetness says: “Fruit everywhere. Winter right behind it. Eat now, store now, ask questions later.”

That’s a clever trick of biology in an orchard. It’s a metabolic disaster in a world where the orchard never closes.


The Starbucks problem

If you want to see this disaster in real time, do not go to a fast‑food burger chain. Go to your neighborhood coffee chain at 7:30 a.m.

In Paris and Rome, the morning ritual is simple: coffee, perhaps with a small pastry, and plenty of people just drinking coffee and getting on with their day. In the United States, we turned the morning coffee into a dessert course.

Look at the menu boards: “Caramel Ribbon Crunch Frappuccino,” “Mocha Cookie Crumble,” whatever the seasonal candy‑bar‑in‑a‑cup is this week. Many of these drinks deliver the sugar load of a large soda, plus fat, plus the illusion of virtue that comes with the word “coffee.”

And crucially, we drink them at breakfast.

That’s not a snack competing with lunch. That is the beginning of the metabolic day being programmed by a huge dose of liquid sugar and fat. It is the modern version of gorging on fruit at the end of autumn—only now autumn is 365 days a year, and the “trees” are open late and have drive‑throughs.

We talk endlessly about “fast food” as if the big story is burgers and fries. But a drive‑through chain that sells mostly liquid sugar and fat to millions of people before 9 a.m. every day is a fast‑food chain. It just smells like coffee instead of French fries.

The fattest place in America might not be the burger joint. It might be the morning coffee drive‑through.


Why exercise doesn’t save us

This is where the “exercise myth” comes in. The problem is not that exercise is useless. The problem is that we’ve tried to use it against the wrong enemy.

Exercise does remarkable things: it improves mood, preserves muscle, protects the heart, keeps the brain sharp, and helps people keep weight off once it’s lost. But it is a terrible match for a culture that tells people they can drink a liquid dessert every morning and burn it off on a bike.

On paper, you can do the math: a 500‑calorie drink, a 500‑calorie workout, no harm done. In reality:

  • Workouts burn less than we think and stimulate more appetite than we admit.

  • The body compensates for increased training by burning fewer calories elsewhere.

  • Most people cannot or will not sustain the volume of exercise required to offset a chronic flood of sweetened liquids and ultra‑processed “feed.”

Telling people to “just move more” in this environment is like telling them to “just breathe harder” while we quietly pump the room full of smoke. The problem isn’t their lungs. It’s the smoke.


Food vs. feed

Here’s the second half of the story. It’s not just that we’ve added sweet liquids; it’s that we’ve rebuilt the rest of the food supply around cheap industrial inputs designed to fatten animals—corn, soy, refined starches, and seed oils—and then fed them back to ourselves as “food products.”

Cattle, hogs, and chickens are deliberately overfed on high‑energy corn and soy mixtures to reach slaughter weight quickly. We then take the same raw materials, run them through factories, and create brightly packaged, hyper‑palatable products for humans, many of which are designed to be eaten with the very sweet drinks we just talked about.

We are not just eating more. We are being fattened.

Not because anyone sat down and twirled their mustache about obesity, but because the cheapest way to make shelf‑stable, craveable, high‑margin products is to use corn and soy derivatives, sugar, and industrial fats—exactly the same things we use to bulk up livestock.

If you look at the American waistline and then look at the American food‑industrial system, you see the same logic: maximum weight gain per unit cost.


A different way to frame obesity

When you put this together, the obesity epidemic stops looking like millions of people who failed a willpower test and starts looking like exactly what we should expect from:

  • An evolutionary history that uses sweetness—especially liquid sweetness—as an urgent signal to store fat.

  • A food environment that has made liquid sweetness and “animal feed for humans” cheap, constant, and socially invisible.

  • A cultural script that still tells people the problem is “not enough exercise,” while selling them sugar in cups with pictures of athletes on the side.

We do not need another campaign telling people to count calories harder or buy gym memberships in January.

We need to say, clearly, that:

  • Sweet makes us fat, especially when it comes in liquid form and especially when it comes early and often.

  • Coffee chains and “healthy” juice bars that sell liquid dessert for breakfast are part of the fast‑food problem, not an escape from it.

  • Ultra‑processed, corn‑ and soy‑based products designed to be eaten quickly with those drinks are not “food” in the evolutionary sense. They are feed.

Exercise remains wonderful—for health, for function, for mood, and for keeping weight off once we remove the constant “store fat now” signal. But if we want to reverse the obesity epidemic, the first and simplest intervention is not a treadmill.

It is to stop drinking dessert and stop pretending that feed is food.

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bogorad
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Women Are Having Fewer Kids Because They Don’t Want Them - Chronicles

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LLM (google/gemini-3.1-flash-lite-preview-20260303) summary:

  • Feminist Impact: the ideology of empowerment is cited as the primary driver behind the abandonment of traditional childbearing roles.
  • Delayed Parenthood: shifts in demographic patterns show women prioritize entry into the corporate workforce over familial obligations.
  • Economic Excuses: financial arguments regarding childcare costs serve as convenient cover for deliberate lifestyle choices.
  • Cultural Denial: societal discourse ignores female autonomy to avoid addressing unpopular truths about modern priorities.
  • Incentive Failure: government subsidies and fiscal bonuses remain ineffective tools against a deep-seated lack of interest in parenting.
  • Career Preference: data suggests many women actively favor high-status professional achievement over the requirements of marriage and family.
  • Gendered Indifference: reported surveys indicate that young women express less desire for parenthood than their male counterparts.
  • Parental Responsibility: domestic moral and religious development is being discarded in favor of professional roles and external monitoring.

April 29, 2026April 29, 2026By Matt Boose
Women Are Having Fewer Kids Because They Don’t Want ThemiStock/Getty Images

Most conservatives are too afraid to admit what many feminists proudly own: The decline in fertility rates is the direct result of the feminist project and women prioritizing careers over childbearing. Since the 1970s, when the feminist movement transformed gender dynamics and women entered the workforce by the millions, the fertility rate has been below replacement, and there is no prospect of this changing. In 2025, the fertility rate hit another record low, according to CDC data.

Women in their early 30s now have the highest birth rate of any age cohort, a profound cultural shift without precedent in history. This pattern aligns with the feminists’ ideal timeline: Climb the corporate ladder early, have kids later, or not at all. Roughly 85 percent of women aged 20-24, and 63 percent of women aged 25-29, are now childless.

The high cost of housing, healthcare, and childcare are the usual culprits cited in the fertility discourse. There is something to this, of course, and sound policy initiatives to address it should be implemented. But it should also be remembered that having a family has never been easy or cheap. Moreover, fertility was already in sharp decline when housing was much more affordable, and the Boomers were buying their homes. So something more than that cost explains declining fertility. The extraordinary cost of childcare, though also real, is an entirely newfangled problem that seeks to rectify the severe, and vastly underreported, shortage of full-time mothers.

Blaming impersonal economic forces is an attractive choice because it never hits cultural bedrock: It lets women off the hook for life choices they often consciously and even proudly make. This choice presupposes feminist principles that hold women’s autonomy as the ultimate societal good. Little is said about how this relegates the needs of the young and demographic sustainability to minor concerns. The discourse is limited to making children “affordable” and “convenient”—while avoiding anything that might impose limitations on women’s career choices.

The refusal to compromise with feminist priorities has led to some absurd conclusions. The New York Times, for example, has suggested that the record decline in fertility could someday be alleviated by a biologically improbable baby boom among women in their mid-to-late 40s. This absurdity is what demographic reality looks like through an ideological lens.

Conservatives, for their part, have examined the fertility issue from two angles: by proposing economic incentives, like Trump’s proposed $5,000 “baby bonus,” and by portraying women as the victims of a false consciousness. Unfortunately, financial incentives have not, and probably will not, change the revealed preference of many women for smaller (or no) families, and nations that have attempted to subsidize child-rearing, like Hungary and South Korea, have found limited success.

The right-wing narrative that women have been indoctrinated to ignore their biological clocks is, moreover, only half-true. Many women happily sacrifice children for a high-status career, and once they achieve high status in the job market, marriage to ordinary men appears to many financially successful women to be unattractive. Thus, many high-income women choose to forgo marriage and family precisely because there are fewer men available who meet their standards.

While modern women are intensely career-driven, as a group, they have, at best, a lukewarm interest in children. According to Pew Research, young men who lack children are more likely to say they want kids someday (57 percent) than young women without children (45 percent). The indifference many women have for family life is often blamed on men for not “stepping up.” Indeed, many young men are forgoing family life, but there is seldom any investigation into their motives—probably because such an investigation would reveal some hard truths about what feminism has bequeathed to us. On the flip side, society today insists that women are strong and independent, but it continues to treat them with great delicacy while ignoring their actual preferences.

The absolute primacy of women’s supposed needs is perhaps best illustrated in how society treats children, especially those without the privilege of being born, who are so easily sacrificed to the ravenous market. Instead of replacing itself, as former generations did naturally, society is involved in a verbose, agonizing dialogue about the horrible burden of children and how to fit them into the professional aspirations of their mothers. The focus is almost entirely on the financial cost of children, with no attention given to the deeper question of what it takes to raise a human being. 

Mothers provide not only sustenance and affection but moral and religious formation. You can’t place a monetary value on this kind of work. It is indispensable labor, labor which a feminist society wants literally anyone but mothers to perform. It has largely shifted to strangers, iPads, or possibly reluctant (hopefully, loving) grandparents.

Feminism punched a giant hole in nature’s safety net, and what’s left is a sad patchwork. There is a quiet understanding that this arrangement cannot be disturbed but must simply be made more manageable so women can pursue their careers. The fertility debate, in other words, is a disingenuous charade leading nowhere.

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bogorad
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Reopening the Strait of Hormuz Is Now Job One in the Iran War - WSJ

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LLM (google/gemini-3.1-flash-lite-preview-20260303) summary:

  • Strategic Control: iran currently seeks to leverage the strait of hormuz to replace oil export revenue with transit tolls while pressuring global commerce.
  • Military Resilience: despite significant damage from bombing campaigns, the islamic revolutionary guard corps persists in utilizing asymmetric weaponry like drones and mines.
  • Regional Hegemony: the vulnerability of gulf arab states remains high as their security depends heavily on the presence of american forces in the region.
  • Nuclear Ambitions: the quest for atomic weapons remains tethered to the regime's desire for secure regional dominance and protection from external interference.
  • American Policy: the united states faces a permanent commitment to patrolling persian gulf waters to maintain global freedom of navigation.
  • Economic Warfare: heavy reliance on blockade tactics and sanctions is intended to force a political breakdown within the long-standing theocratic structure.
  • Operational Risks: securing international waterways will likely require potential naval clashes and costly, long-term military engagement in the middle east.
  • Regime Survival: the ideological persistence of revolutionary leaders complicates expectations that economic hardship will inevitably lead to a state collapse.


By

Reuel Marc Gerecht

and

Ray Takeyh

Updated April 29, 2026 5:09 pm ET

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An Editor at Large: The world’s most powerful republic finds the United Kingdom’s elderly monarch more congenial than its prime minister, Keir Starmer. Photo: Kevin Dietsch/Getty Images

America’s war with Iran has already transformed the Middle East. For years, the Islamic Republic’s clerical regime bragged that it could strangle the Persian Gulf. But it refrained from doing so, fearful of U.S. retaliation.

Two enormously destructive bombing campaigns in eight months altered Iran’s calculations. Neither its nuclear-weapons program nor its ballistic missiles deterred the U.S. and Israel. Today’s battle for the Strait of Hormuz offers the Islamic Republic an opportunity to resuscitate its fortunes and humble the U.S. For Tehran, controlling the waterway surely now takes precedence over advancing its damaged atomic ambitions.

The Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps is the most consequential player in Iran’s scrambled wartime politics. Javan, a newspaper that serves as a mouthpiece for the IRGC, recently published a scenario for economic rejuvenation: “The world economy’s critical dependence on this route makes this source of income absolutely unsanctionable and changes the structure of Iran’s political economy from crude oil sales to sustainable transit income.” Tolls have become an essential tool that Iran selectively imposes. Chinese ships may not have to pay, but Europeans and others surely will.

As important, the regime learned that it can inflict severe economic pain on its enemies with missiles, drones, mines and other established technologies. The Islamic Republic is unlikely to forfeit this leverage peacefully.

Iran now acutely appreciates its neighbors’ fragility. The Gulf Arab economies were built under the umbrella of American hegemony. Take that away—and the freedom of navigation that goes with it—and the Gulf states will ineluctably go begging to Tehran. Despite the Western weaponry in Saudi and Emirati hands, without U.S. intervention the Iranians will win any tug of war with Sunni Arabs. Israeli aspirations for regional reorganization—ideally an expansion of the Abraham Accords—will likely fizzle unless Tehran loses control of the strait.

The Trump administration, like its predecessors, has focused largely on the nuclear issue and only secondarily on Iran’s missiles. Economic warfare—the blockade and sanctions—is supposed to give America leverage in nuclear talks. For Iran’s ruling elite, the bomb is still the ideal way of ensuring the Islamic Republic’s regional sway while protecting the homeland from American and Zionist raids. But the nuclear infrastructure is too battered and the regime too unsteady to sprint for the bomb. Tehran needs time, cash and deterrence. Controlling the strait can yield all three. Building a nuke and manipulating the waterway are two sides of the same coin. The first probably can’t happen without the second.

America’s primary objective, then, must be reopening the strait. Secretary of State Marco Rubio appears to understand Hormuz’s importance, saying: “Those are international waterways. They cannot normalize, nor can we tolerate them trying to normalize, a system in which the Iranians decide who gets to use an international waterway and how much you have to pay them to use it.” What Mr. Rubio may understand but left unstated is that this means that the U.S. is stuck in the Persian Gulf guaranteeing safe passage as long as the Iranian regime lasts. It also means we are on the hook to protect, at a minimum, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates from missile and drone attacks against energy and water infrastructure, which may come if the blockade begins to eviscerate the Iranian regime or Mr. Trump starts bombing Persia into darkness.

No matter what happens, the price of oil will remain elevated—but not as high as if the strait isn’t opened. It will take time for global commerce to regain its confidence in America’s commitment to the waterway. There will probably be clashes between the U.S. Navy and Iranian armed forces. If the Islamic Republic can get its hands on advanced Russian or Chinese cruise missiles, maintaining freedom of navigation will become a bloody, gut-wrenching affair.

Yet it’s entirely possible that the theocracy will crack. All countries have an economic breaking point. Severe economic hardship—much worse than what Iran experienced during the Iran-Iraq war—will soon slam the regime. Another insurrection may yet topple the mullahs and the IRGC. Authoritarian regimes always seem indomitable until they’re not.

But the Islamic Republic has demonstrated a resilience that should make us wary of quick fixes. The regime’s “resistance economy,” designed to be insulated from pressure by other countries, is into its fourth decade. In addition, the revolutionary elite sees itself as the vanguard of the Almighty. Given the repeated insurrections, the Iranian people’s obvious fondness for Western ways, and the conspiracy-addled conviction within the regime that America has fueled and guided internal uprisings, Iran’s rulers and their foot soldiers see themselves as the last redoubt against unbelief.

If the regime doesn’t crack, we could be in a long struggle that will require commitment, patience, and discipline across the U.S. government.

Mr. Gerecht is a resident scholar at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies. Mr. Takeyh is a senior fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations.

imageIranian worshipers pray at Tehran University under portraits of the late ayatollah and military officials killed during the U.S.-Israeli campaign, April 24. Vahid Salemi/Associated Press

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Appeared in the April 30, 2026, print edition as 'Reopening the Strait Is Now Job One in the Iran War'.


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Exclusive: Only Elon Musk can fire Elon Musk from SpaceX, filing shows | Reuters

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LLM (google/gemini-3.1-flash-lite-preview-20260303) summary:

  • Corporate Governance: the company filing creates a structure where the founder retains absolute immunity from board-level removal.
  • Voting Rights: class b shares grant the founder ten votes each to ensure total autonomy over executive positions.
  • Investor Authority: prospective shareholders are explicitly prevented from having any meaningful influence on board decisions or corporate leadership.
  • Founder Control: the power to replace the majority of the board is effectively tied to the personal holdings of the chief executive.
  • Industry Norms: governance experts identify this self-serving arrangement as a departure from standard practices where boards maintain oversight.
  • Stock Classification: the equity split separates the public into class a shares while concentrating voting supremacy in the hands of insiders.
  • Legal Framework: the incorporation in texas mirrors previous moves to consolidate authority despite regulatory or judicial scrutiny.
  • Strategic Autonomy: the system functions as a classic mechanism for an individual to exploit corporate assets while insulating themselves from oversight.

  • Summary
  • Companies
  • SpaceX IPO filing shows Musk has sole power to remove himself as CEO or chairman
  • Experts say this level of control is unusual among dual-class share structures
  • SpaceX warns investors their influence over board decisions will be severely limited
NEW YORK, April 29 (Reuters) - SpaceX is telling investors that no one can fire Elon Musk from his ‌role as chief executive and chairman of the board without the billionaire founder's consent, according to an excerpt of its IPO filing reviewed by Reuters.
The filing states that Musk "can only be removed from our board or these positions by the vote of Class B holders" - super-voting shares with ten ​votes apiece that he will control after the IPO, making his removal effectively a self-vote. If he "retains a significant ​portion of his holdings of Class B common stock for an extended period of time, he ⁠could continue to control the election and removal of a majority of our board."
The provision sits on top of a dual-class ​framework SpaceX plans to adopt at its IPO, a common setup among founder-led tech companies going public that gives founders and ​early investors greater control relative to public shareholders.
But even in those structures, boards typically retain formal authority to remove a CEO, even if founders can steer outcomes through voting power.
The full impact of the provision would depend on details in SpaceX's founding legal documents, corporate governance experts said.
Taken ​together, the provisions would give Musk an effective veto over any attempt to remove him, a level of control experts say ​goes beyond the norm by tying removal directly to his own voting power. SpaceX warned prospective investors that the structure "will limit or preclude ‌your ability ⁠to influence corporate matters and the election of our directors."
"This provision is not common. Usually removal of the CEO is a decision left to the board, and controllers rely on their power to replace the board," said Lucian Bebchuk, a Harvard Law School professor whose research focuses on corporate governance, law and finance.
SpaceX and Musk didn't respond to requests for comment.
Dual-class share structures ​have become a standard feature of ​founder-led technology companies going ⁠public in recent years. Facebook (META.O), opens new tab, which listed in 2012, gave super-voting shares to pre-IPO holders including Mark Zuckerberg, though voting power later concentrated as early investors sold down their stakes. More recent ​listings, including Figma (FIG.N), opens new tab, have concentrated super-voting shares more directly in founders after an IPO.
SpaceX will ​be split into ⁠Class A common stock for public investors and Class B super-voting shares for insiders. Musk will hold a majority of the voting power, tying board control and executive authority directly to shares he controls, Reuters previously reported.
The arrangement represents a departure from Tesla, which ⁠has a ​single share class.
SpaceX is incorporated in Texas, following Tesla, which Musk shifted ​there after a Delaware court voided his $56 billion pay package for running the automaker. The compensation package was reinstated by the Delaware Supreme Court late last year.

Reporting by Echo ​Wang and Isla Binnie in New York; Additional reporting by Ross Kerber in Boston; Editing by Chris Sanders and Shri Navaratnam

Our Standards: The Thomson Reuters Trust Principles., opens new tab

Echo Wang

Thomson Reuters

Echo Wang is a correspondent at Reuters covering U.S. equity capital markets, and the intersection of Chinese business in the U.S, breaking news from U.S. crackdown on TikTok and Grindr, to restrictions Chinese companies face in listing in New York. She was the Reuters' Reporter of the Year in 2020.

Isla Binnie

Thomson Reuters

Isla Binnie reports on how company directors and executives manage stakeholder and shareholder interests, with a focus on compensation, corporate crises, dealmaking and succession. She also covers how politics, regulation, environmental issues and the broader economy affect boardroom discussions. Isla previously covered business, politics and general news in Spain and Italy. She trained with Reuters in London and covered emerging markets debt for the International Financing Review (IFR).

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